
Class 
Book 



COPYRIGHT DEPQSn 



GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 




GENERAL VOX STIOTHKN. 
From < )riginal by Barle, 1 786. 



FREDERICK WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 



AND 



THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION 



AIDE TO WASHINGTON AND INSPECTOR GENERAL 
OF THE ARMY. 



WITH ACCOUNT OF POSTHUMOUS HONORS 
AT VARIOUS PLACES. 



BY JOSEPH B. DOYLE. 



AUTHOR OF MEMORIAL LIFE OF E. M. STANTON, 

JEFFERSON COUNTY TWENTIETH CENTURY 

HISTORY, ETC. 



Under the Auspieces of 
The Stanton Monument Association 



STEUBENVILLE, OHIO 

THE H. C. COOK CO. 

1913. 



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LIMITED EDITION 


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THIS EDITION OF LIFE OF GEN. VON STEUBEN 


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IS LIMITED TO SIX HUNDRED COPIES, OF 




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WHICH THIS IS 






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Copyright, 1913 fey 
Joseph B. Doyle. 
Published October, 1913. 



548 6 J \ V 



TO THE 

SOCIETIES OF THE SONS AND DAUGHTERS 
AMERICAN REVOLUTION 
WHOSE EFFORTS TOWARDS PRESERVING THE MEMORIES 
OF MEN AND EVENTS WHICH SECURED THE INDEPEN- 
DENCE OF OUR NATION, HAVE BEEN SUPPLEMENTED BY 
ALL THAT MAKES FOR CIVIC RIGHTEOUSNESS AND 
GOOD CITIZENSHIP THIS VOLUME IS RESPECTFULLY 
DEDICATED. 



PREFACE 

An apology seems scarcely necessary for offering to 
the reading public at this time a new biography of Baron 
Frederick William Von Steuben. It frequently happens 
that one's true place in history is not fixed at or near the 
period when the events in which he participated occurred, 
but long after, when the lengthening perspective allows a 
more mature and better judgment of what the characters 
were or what they accomplished. This is true especially 
of the Revolutionary heroes. So far as Washington was 
concerned there was never any serious doubt as to his 
position, although even he did not escape the detraction 
of factions or disappointment of friends. But, like the 
sun, whose influence is so decided that there could be no 
question as to it being the controlling factor in holding 
and regulating the whole solar system, Washington's 
figure looms so far above all others connected with the 
Revolution that the superiority so generally accorded 
him by his contemporaries has only become more evident 
with each succeeding year. Great, however, as he was in 
patriotism, enlightened in statesmanship, skilled in mili- 
tary affairs, albeit most of his early experience was in the 
backwoods, he was but human, and even his most enthu- 
siastic admirers will not claim that he could have brought 
his wonderful work to a successful issue without the 
counsel and assistance of the strong and capable men he 
gathered around hm. In fact there could be no better 
tribute to his genius than recognition of the fact that in 
his mind petty jealousy was non-existent, and that in 
chosing his immediate military family especially he rec- 
ognized no qualification save loyalty to the cause, 



viii. PREFACE 

integrity of purpose and ability to carry out the 
work assigned. Opinions may differ as to the 
relative standing of these associates, but there can 
be little doubt as to the two most closely allied 
to Washington in that memorable conflict whose skir- 
mishes, as Napoleon has justly observed, changed the 
entire history of the world. These two were Alexander 
Hamilton, whose great achievements towards laying the 
foundations of this Government we are just now begin- 
ning to appreciate, and the subject of this biography. 

This latter statement may surprise some who have 
regarded Steuben simply as a drillmaster, but it is sus- 
tained by a close study of the facts. From the time he 
joined the famishing little army at Valley Forge until 
he received the overtures for the surrender of Corn- 
wallis at Yorktown, he was at Washington's right hand, 
planning campaigns, looking after the troops, bringing 
order out of chaos, turning defeat into victory, and, on 
more than one occasion averting what threatened to be a 
fatal disaster. It is saying too much of any one man to 
assert that without him the conflict for freedom would 
have failed, although it certainly appears as though 
Washington was very nearly if not quite in that class, but 
where the scales are so closely balanced as they were more 
than once during the progress of the American Revolu- 
tion, it is not too much to say that had it not been for 
Steuben the result at that time might have been different. 
Prof. G. W. Greene in his able monograph, declares that : 
"In the military history of our Revolution, if we class 
men according to their services, no one after Washington 
and Greene stands so high as Steuben. For the services 
which Lafayette rendered, important as they were, were 
rather the effects of influence and position, rather than of 
individual superiority. All that Steuben owed to posi- 



PREFACE ix. 

tion was the opportunity of action, the action itself was 
the fruit of his own strong will and thorough knowledge 
of his service. He was the creator of our regular army, 
the organizer of our military economy. The impress 
which he made upon our military character remained 
there long after his hand was withdrawn. His system of 
reviews, reports and inspection gave efficiency to the sol- 
dier, confidence to the commander, and saved the treasury 
not less than $60gfl(000." 

Although professing liberal principles it is not 
claimed that when Steuben first turned his thoughts to- 
wards America he was actuated solely by the philanthrop- 
ic desire to aid a struggling cause. He was still com- 
paratively a young man, and doubtless had his ambitions, 
but his every action proves the absence of any low mer- 
cenary motive, and from the day he set foot on American 
soil he embraced the patriot cause with all the ardor of 
his nature, in which no discouragements ever caused him 
to falter for a moment. The tardy pecuniary recognition 
which he received for his services fell far short of what 
he had given up when he embraced the American cause, 
so, that, following the example of Washington, he may 
be said to have served this country entirely without com- 
pensation. 

His recent citizenship naturally precluded Steuben 
from taking a leading place along with Washington and 
Hamilton in the formation of a permanent Government, 
but this did not prevent him from manifesting an active 
interest in the matter, and assisting by his counsel and in- 
fluence towards the preparation and adoption of the Con- 
stitution. 

Sketches of Baron Steuben have appeared from time 
to time in various publications, and in 1859, Friedrich 
Kapp published a biography which was the result of sev- 



x. PREFACE 

eral years industrious and painstaking research. Him- 
self a German he visited this country and made a thor- 
ough investigation of the Baron's voluminous papers as 
well as consulting other original authorities, and the re- 
sult was a work that will always be a valuable standard 
of reference. But the very detail and thoroughness of 
this task has prevented its popularization to the extent 
that the merits of the work deserved. 

As the city of Steubenville, Ohio, has been honored 
by the gift of a portrait of Steuben by one of her artist 
sons the present is regarded as an opportune time for a 
presentation of the great German's life to the people 
whom he served so well and so faithfully. While acknowl- 
edgments are freely due to pre-existing publications, with- 
out whose aid the present work would have been hardly 
possible, yet advantage has been taken of all available 
new material, in a manner which it is hoped will add to 
the value of this production. 

Some space is given to the efforts of Beaumarchais 
in behalf of American independence, not only because h» 
furnished the means which enabled Steuben to come to 
America, but because his activities have been largely a* 
sealed book to American readers, the historians generally 
dismissing the subject with a line. A publication in the 
fifties entitled Beaumarchais and His Times, wherein 
original documents are first published, demonstrates that 
this curious character exercised more influence on French 
politics than has been generally been supposed, but al- 
though this book was translated into English it is now 
rare and out of print. From it we have gleaned much 
valuable information. 

If this biography shall in a measure result in aiding 
ever so little in giving Baron Steuben his true place in the 



PREFACE xi. 

history of our revolutionary struggle, the writer will be 
more than satisfied. 

It may be added that the original pronunciation of 
the Baron's name was^toyben with the accent on the first 
syllable, but the American use has Anglicised it into Stoo- 
ben, retaining, however, the original accent. The prac- 
tice in some quarters of accenting the second syllable 
either of the Baron's name or of the city of Steubenville 
is without any warrant of authority. 

In addition to the authorities mentioned above and 
others referred to later, special acknowledgment is dv.Q 
Dr. R. M. Griswold, of Kensington, Conn. ; George W. 
Featherstonaugh, of Schenectady, N. Y. ; Wm. M. Storrs, 
Corresponding Secretary of the Oneida Historical So- 
ciety, and C. M. Underhill, Librarian of the Oneida pub- 
lic library, for valuable assistance, and to Charles P. 
Filson for illustrations. 

Trusting that this work may do something, if ever 
so little, towards locating Steuben's true place in history 
it is given to the public. 

J. B. D. 
Steubenville, O., October, 1913. 



CONTENTS 



INTRODUCTION 1 

CHAPTER I. 

THE VON STEUBENS 5 

A Family of Soldiers. Rise of the Prussian Monarchy. 
Baron Von Steuben's Birth and Early Career. Prom- 
inent in Seven Years' War. Humiliation of France. 
Retirement. Momentous Visit to Paris. 

CHAPTER II. 

A CRITICAL PERIOD 22 

Rise of a Romantic Character. Beaumarchais and the 
American War. Inside Movements of the French Court. 
A Politico-Mercantile House. 

CHAPTER III. 

STEUBEN AND BEAUMARCHAIS 38 

Germain's Plans Disclosed. Meeting of Steuben and 
Beaumarchais. Former Concludes to go to America, the 
Latter to Furnish Funds. Beaumarchais Subsequently 
Faces Bankruptcy and Death. 

CHAPTER IV. 

JOURNEY TO AMERICA 62 

An Eventful Voyage. Storms, Fire and Mutiny. Recep- 
tion at Portsmouth and Boston. Journey to York. The 
Continental Congress. Resume of that Body and its 
Authority. Desperate Condition of the Colonies. 

CHAPTER V. 
CONGRESS AND VALLEY FORGE 79 

Final Arrangements Made. Departure for the Army. 
Terrible Condition of the Troops. Supplies and Dis- 
cipline Equally Absent. Enormous Waste. Welcomed 
by Washington. Appointed Temporary Inspector. Rad- 
ical Reforms Introduced. 



CONTENTS Kiii. 

CHAPTER VI. 

DRILLING THE ARMY 92 

Steuben's Success at Converting a Mob into Soldiers. 
Commendation of Washington. Congress Fixes His 
Status. Official Jealousy. The French Alliance. 

CHAPTER VII. 

FROM VALLEY FORGE TO MONMOUTH 101 

Howe Evacuates Philadelphia. Movements Across 
New Jersey. Battle of Monmouth Court House. Trea- 
son of Lee. Steuben's Well Drilled Troops Turn De- 
feat Into Victory. 

CHAPTER VIII. 

REMODELING THE aRMY 124 

Steuben's Dissatisfaction. Desires a Position in the 
Line. New Code of Army Regulations. Printing Dif- 
ficulties. 

CHAPTER IX. 

CAMPAIGN OF 1779 139 

Steuben Reviews the Situation. Barbarous Raids. 
Value of the Bayonet Demonstrated at Stony Point. 
Visit of the French Ambassador. Suggestions For the 
Future. 

CHAPTER X. 

A YEAR OF EVENTS 149 

The George Rogers Clark Expedition. Victories of 
Paul Jones and the Navy. Spain Enters the Struggle. 
Troubles in the South. Paper Reforms. Bad Condi- 
tion of the Army. Steuben's Continued Efforts. 
Gloomy Prognostigations. 

CHAPTER XL 

A DISASTROUS PERIOD 163 

Reverses in the South. Loss of Georgia and the Car- 
olinas. The Army Almost Discouraged. Equipoise of 
Washington and Steuben. Incompetency of Congress. 
The Baron Outlines Plans for the Future. Treachery 
of Arnold. An Interesting Incident. 



xiv. CONTENTS 

CHAPTER XII. 

SHIFTING OF THE CONFLICT 189 

Seat of War in the South. England Adds Holland to 
Her Enemies. At War Against the World. Greene and 
Steuben Sent to Virginia. Former Assumes Command 
of the Southern Armies. Appeals to Steuben for Help. 
Desperate Condition of Affairs. 

CHAPTER XIII. 

ARNOLD'S VIRGINIA CAMPAIGN 201 

Invasion of the State via James River. Capture of 
Richmond. Steuben's Efforts to Save the Dominion 
Without Men or Supplies. Arnold Retreats and is Be- 
sieged at Portsmouth. Virginia's Loyalty to the Pa- 
triot Cause. Still Aiding Greene. 

CHAPTER XIV. 

GREENE AND STEUBEN 217 

Their Operations in the Carolinas and Virginia. Vic- 
tories and Good Generalship Recover the Carolinas. 
Arnold Bottled up in Portsmouth and Cormvallis in 
Wilmington. Arnold Saved Through Refusal of the 
French Commander to Co-operate. Arrival of Lafay- 
ette. Steuben Still Has the Burden. Second Foray up 
the James — Capture of Petersburg and Richmond. 

CHAPTER XV. 

THE WAR IN VIRGINIA 235 

Lafayette Ordered to Steuben's Assistance — Cormvallis 
moves Northward — Steuben Prepares to Oppose Him — 
Magazines of Supplies Formed and Recruits Gathered 
— Lafayette Retreats to Fredericksburg — Steuben Extri- 
cates Himself from Point of Fork — Important Stores 
Saved — Brilliant Tactics — Cornwallis Outwitted — 
Steuben Gives up Going South, and Pequested to Join 
Lafayette. 

CHAPTER XVI. 

APPROACIII XG THE CLIMAX 249 

Steuben Joins Lafayette and Forces Cornwallis to 
Leave Richmond — Retreat to Williamsburg — Steuben's 
Illness — Arrival of Washington and Siege of York- 
town — Steuben Assigned a Command — Closing up the 
Trenches — Receives a Deputation from Cornwallis — 
The Surrender. 



CONTENTS xv. 

CHAPTER XVII. 

YORKTOWN AND AFTER 269 

Review of the Political Situation — Strength in Weak- 
ness — Adoption of the Articles of Confederation — A 
Rope of Sand — Controversies With the Virginia Au- 
thorities — Vindication of Steuben — Financial Difficul- 
ties — Attack on New York Discussed — Peace Negotia- 
tions — France and Spain Suggest the Alleghenies for 
the Western Boundary — Steuben Appeals to the King 
of France. 

CHAPTER XVIII. 

DISBANDING THE ARMY 293 

Difficulties of the Officers — Peace Officially Announced 
— Parting Scenes — Testimonials to Steuben — Plans a 
Military Academy — Visit to Frontier Posts — Washing- 
ton's Farewell Letter — A Belated Tribute. 

CHAPTER XIX. 

SOCIETY OF THE CINCINNATI 310 

Organized by Steuben — A Storm of Opposition — Pre- 
senting Claims to Congress — A Wearisome Task — 
Adoption of the New Constitution — Tardy Justice. 

CHAPTER XX. 
LIFE IN NEW YORK 328 

Activity in Public Affairs — Plans for a Regular Army — 
Popularity with the People — His Memorial on the 
Banks of the Ohio — A Western Land Project — Sugges- 
tion Concerning Prince Henry — Washington's Inaugu- 
ration — Social Distinction — Wit and Generosity. 

CHAPTER XXI. 
THE NEW CINCINNATUS 339 

Character of the Baron's Grant — Liberality to Set- 
tlers — Visit from Relatives — Politics and Literature — 
Preparing for War — Important Commission — Farm Life 
and Future Prospects. 

CHAPTER XXII. 

THE LAST ACT 349 

Unexpected Death of Steuben — Stricken by Paralysis — 

A Melancholy Funeral — The Baron's Will — Desecration 

of His Grave, and Final Resting Place. 



xvi. CONTENTS 

CHAPTER XXIII. 

STEUBEN'S MILITARY FAMILY 356 

North, the Founder and Namer of Fort Steuben — 
Walker — Duponceau — Fish — Ternant — Davies — Fleury 
— Fairlie — Smith and Others. 

CHAPTER XXIV. 

THE ARTISTS' FAVORITE 368 

Original Portraits of Steuben by Peale, Earle. Simi- 
tiere, Trumbull and Pine — Copies and Reproductions. 

CHAPTER XXV. 

POSTHUMUS HONORS 374 

Eulogies and Memorials — Monuments at Grave and 
Washington — Andrews's Portrait of Steuben — Portraits 
of George Rogers Clark and James Wilson by Filson. 



\PPENDIX. 



THREE WARS CELEBRATION 381 

Semi-Centennial of Most Northerly Invasion During 
the Civil War — Unveiling of Portraits — Dedication of 
Monuments and Cannon — Unveiling Maine Tablet. 



ILLUSTRATIONS 

GENERAL VON STEUBEN .... Frontispiece 

From Original, by Peale. 1786. 

Facing Page 

PORTRAIT OF STEUBEN. BY ANDREWS . SO 

In Public Library, Steubenville. O. 

JONATHAN STEUBEN'S BIRTHPLACE .... 80 

CONGRESS HALL, YORK, 1778 80 

VALLEY FORGE, CAMP OF SOUTHERN REGIMENTS 94 

VALLEY FORGE. WASHINGTON'S HEADQUARTERS 94 

MARCH OF WASHINGTON AND CLINTON . 
ACROSS NEW JERSEY 112 

MONMOUTH BATTLE GROUND 118 

STEUBEN'S HEADQUARTERS AT MIDDLEBROOK . 118 

WEST POINT IN 1780 156 

VERPLANCK HOUSE 156 

STEUBEN'S VIRGINIA CAMPAIGN ... 194 

HANOVER COURT HOUSE, VA 208 

BLANDFORD CHURCH, V^A 208 

CHARLES P. FILSON 240 

ELIPHALET F. ANDREWS .240 

SURRENDER OF CORNWALLIS 262 

WASHINGTON MEMORIAL CHAPEL 

VALLEY FORGE 308 



xviii. ILLUSTRATIONS 

FORT STEUBEN. FROM THE OHIO RIVER 

STEUBENVILLE. O., BUSINESS SECTION 

FORT STEUBEN, GROUND PLAN . 

STEUBEN'S WOODLAND HOME . 

OSWEGO AND FORT IN 1794 . 

WM. NORTH'S HOUSE AT DUANESBURG 

FEATHERSTONAUGH MANSION . 
at DUANESBURG .... 



STEUBEN PORTRAIT. BY PEALE 

STEUBEN PORTRAIT, BY SIMITIERE 

STEUBEN PORTRAIT, BY PINE 

SOLDIERS' MONUMENT, STEUBENVILLE, O. 

STEUBEN'S FIRST MONUMENT . 

STEUBEN'S SECOND MONUMENT 

STEUBEN'S MONUMENT AT WASHINGTON 

GEN. GEORGE ROGERS CLARK . 

HON. JAMES WILSON 

GEN. JAMES M. SHACKELFORD . 

GEN. JOHN H. MORGAN . 

MAP OF JEFFERSON COUNTY. O. 



Showing most Northerly Invasion of the Civil War 
MAINE MEMORIAL TABLET .... 
JEFFERSON COUNTY COURT HOUSE 

Decorated for Three Wars Celebration. 



308 
332 
332 
346 
346 
358 

358 
370 
370 
370 
370 
376 
376 
376 
380 
380 
384 
384 
388 

388 
390 



GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 



INTRODUCTION 



The differences which arose during the second half 
of the eighteenth century between Great Britain and her 
American colonies were not long in attracting the atten- 
tion of observers, both civil and military, in continental 
Europe. Britain was coming to the front as a world- 
power, and no important movement within her borders 
or in any part of the world which acknowledged her su- 
premacy, could fail to interest those nations which had 
contended with her for mastery, or associated with her 
as allies. Even though there was no general comprehen- 
sion of the doctrines asserted by the restless Anglo-Sax- 
ons beyond the ocean, the mere fact that these pioneers 
challenged the authority of the Mother Country, no mat- 
ter to what extremes it might be carried, was sufficient. 
Less than a century before England had established par- 
liamentary government on a firm foundation, but on the 
continent absolutism ruled from the Arctic Ocean to the 
Mediterranean. Theorists and Utopians existed, but they 
were beyond the realm of practical government. The 
term, "Soldiers of Fortune," still retained its liberal mean- 
ing, and when George III. later sent a detachment of his 



2 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

Hessian mercenaries into the colonies, he only did what 
any other ruler in Europe would have done as a matter 
of course. It received no condemnation outside of Eng- 
land, at least, in government circles. Even the brutality 
with which these levies were made excited scarcely a re- 
monstrance beyond the immediate sufferers. Subjects 
were simply chattels to be exploited for the benefit of the 
ruler, and more than a peasant uprising was necessary to 
convince the powers that were, that the people had some 
rights which rulers were bound to respect. There had 
been rebellions previous to this, when the central govern- 
ment, weak and decaying, had not sufficient vitality to 
control the extremities or the designs of ambitious lead- 
ers, or when a certain class, goaded to the quick by op- 
pression and outrage, made a fruitless effort to break its 
bonds, and there were mutterings of a coming storm in 
France, but the world had not yet grasped the conception 
of going to war for an idea, especially the idea of protest- 
ing against taxation without representation. So, as we 
have said, the conflict attracted attention not only from the 
position of the parties but from the novelty of the princi- 
ples involved. When it became evident that the question 
could not be solved without recourse to arms, and that 
the American patriots were not averse to receiving foreign 
help in their struggle, the situation powerfully appealed 
to three classes of individuals. First : the Utopians of 
that day, who thought they saw in America the rise of a 
new star whose beams should diffuse the light of liberty 
over the whole world. Second, the soldiers of fortune 
already mentioned, who had no hesitancy in enlisting 
under any banner which gave promise of a profitable re- 
turn. Third, men trained to the profession of arms, who, 
while not altogether unmindful of their material interest, 
yet sympathizing with the cause in which the colonists 



INTRODUCTION 3 

were engaged, were ready to share its hardships and 
its perils, determined to render it true and loyal service 
without regard to the final outcome. In this last class 
we can safely place Frederick William Augustus Henry 
Ferdinand Von Steuben, generally known by his familiar 
title, Baron Von Steuben. 



STEUBEN'S LIFE AND WORK 



CHAPTER I. 

THE VON STEUBENS 

A Family of Soldiers — Rise cf the Prussian Monarchy — Baron 
Von Steuben's Birth and Early Career — Prominent in Seven 
Years' War — Humiliation of France — Retirement — Momen- 
tous Visit to Paris. 

The family from which Baron Steuben claimed de- 
scent traced a definite genealogy back for a period of at 
least six hundred years, and the name was variously 
written Steube, Stoebe, Stoyben (the present pronuncia- 
tion) and finally Steuben. Mr. Kapp, who has been most 
industrious in tracing this genealogy, first hears of the 
Steubens in Franconia, one of the duchies of mediaeval 
Germany lving along the river Main, and south of Sax- 
ony. In the early part of the thirteenth century a por- 
tion of the family, at least, came into Mansfield, now a 
part of Saxony, where they took up their abode, and 
were classed among those feudal noblemen invested with 
manors and estates. Conveyances of real property and 
other important legal documents attest their position in 
the community. The Steubens ranged themselves on the 
side of the Reformation in the sixteenth century, and 
seemed to have attached themselves at an early date to 
the Electors of Brandenburg, predecessors of the Kings 
of Prussia. In the course of time they lost most of their 



6 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

landed estates, and it is chiefly as soldiers that they have 
left a reputation to posterity. 

Without going into their transactions in detail we 
come to Ernest Nicholas Von Steuben, a captain under 
the German Emperor, Ferdinand II., during the thirty 
years' war (1618-1648). It would be a puzzling and un- 
profitable task to attempt to unravel European and espe- 
cially German politics during this period. A reference, 
however, to the general situation may assist the reader in 
understanding the condition of affairs in these and subse- 
quent years. 

"The Holy Roman Empire," revived by Charle- 
magne, still existed so far as its name was concerned, but 
it had long since ceased to have any connection with 
Rome, and it would require a rather broad definition of 
the term "Holy" to thus describe it. The great heredi- 
tary kingdom founded by the Emperor of the Franks had 
degenerated into a loose confederacy of Teutonic states 
held together by an elective monarchy, but which were 
so nearly independent that they not only waged war 
against each other, but sometimes against the empire 
itself. The succession in the provinces, however, was 
hereditary except in the case of ecclesiastics, and upon the 
death of an emperor, sometimes before, his successor was 
chosen by seven Electors, they being the Archbishops of 
Mainz, Cologne, and Trier, and four lay magnates, the 
palatine of the Rhine, duke of Saxony, margrave of 
Brandenburg, and King of Bohemia. They were not 
obliged to choose one of their own number or even an 
inhabitant of their own provinces, in fact, choice of a non- 
resident ruler was the more usual custom. Francis I, of 
France ; and Henry VIII., of England, were both com- 
petitors for the Imperial crown when Charles V., mem- 
ber of the Austrian House, of Hapsburg and King of 



THE VON STEUBENS 7 

Spain (Charles I.), was the successful candidate, in 1519. 
At that time Spain claimed all the American continent 
except the eastern part of South America, which the Pope 
had kindly given to Portugal, and this with his hereditary- 
possessions including Austria, most of Italy and the 
Netherlands, together with the helplessness of France, 
made Charles's authority almost world-wide, so far as 
civilization was concerned, with England on the west and 
half-barbaric Russia on the east to alone seriously dis- 
pute his authority. As a ruler with such powerful back- 
ing the Emperor was a tremendous force, which had to 
be reckoned with in the religious wars of the sixteenth 
century, but in that sense Charles had no successors. 
Nevertheless the Empire ambled along amidst stress and 
strife, with varying fortunes for two centuries and a 
half until Napoleon in 1806 compelled the abdication of 
Francis II., who had occupied a shadowy throne for four- 
teen years, and "The Holy Roman Empire" ceased to ex- 
ist as a figure, as it had long previously ceased to exist in 
reality. When William I., King of Prussia, was, on Jan- 
uary 18, 1871, at the palace of Versailles, proclaimed Ger- 
man Emperor, it was not a revival of "The Holy Ro- 
man Empire," but the consolidation of a new nation, 
which had for sometime been crystalizing out of old ma- 
terial. 

Captain Von Steuben was compelled by wounds to 
retire during the early part of the Thirty Years' War, 
and at his death left a son, Ludwig, born in 1642. He, 
in turn, had one son, Augustine Von Steuben, born in 
1661, and the latter had ten children, seven of them being 
sons. The fourth son, Wilhelm Augustine, father of the 
subject of this memoir, was born on April 22, 1699, 
doubtless in Brandenburg. Two years later Frederick I., 
Margrave of Brandenburg, which may be translated 



8 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

"Count of the Marshes," brought sufficient pressure to 
bear on the Emperor Leopold I. to have the present 
province of East Prussia (of which he was duke) elevated 
to the rank of a Kingdom of Prussia, including all the 
territory heretofore controlled by the Electors of Bran- 
denburg. Under his able administration a new power 
had come to the front. Wilhelm Von Steuben entered 
the Prussian military service in 1715, and held one mili- 
tary post after another, part of the time in Russia until 
his death on April 26, 1783. In 1729 he married Mary 
Dorothea Von Iagow and from this union was born the 
son who was destined to play an important part in the 
American Revolution. 

There has been some dispute both as to the date and 
place of General Von Steuben's birth, and whether he 
was, after all, a native born subject of the King of Prus- 
sia. In Sparks's series of American biographies, Steuben 
is quoted as saying that had he been a native Prussian 
he would never have dared to petition for his discharge at 
the close of the Seven Years' War under penalty of being 
cashiered. Hence it has been supposed by some of the 
historians that he was born in Suabia or some other part 
of the Empire outside of Frederick's jurisdiction. Mr. 
Kapp, however, after careful investigation into original 
sources, places his birth on November 15, 1730 "at 
Madgeburg, a large Prussian fortress on the Elbe." Now 
Madgeburg is the capital of Saxony, and Saxony did not 
become a Prussian province until 1815, when it was made 
so by the treaty of Vienna after the downfall of Napoleon. 
It had an administrative independence, however, during 
the Middle Ages, the chief officer seeming to be the Arch- 
bishop, with secular powers, and with whom the citizens 
were generally at variance. It was almost destroyed dur- 
ing the Thirty Years' War, and at the peace of West- 



THE VON STEUBENS 9 

phalia, in 1648, the Archbishopric was converted into a 
secular duchy to come under control of the Margrave of 
Brandenburg on the death of the administrator, Prince 
Augustus, of Saxony, which occurred in 1680. Thus, 
while not a native of Prussia proper. Von Steuben was to 
all intents and purposes a subject of Frederick William L, 
whose father, thirty years before, had had himself de- 
clared King of Prussia, and in whose army Von Steu- 
ben's father was a captain of engineers. While our sub- 
ject was quite a small boy his father was ordered to the 
Crimea at the request of the Russian government to assist 
in the war against Turkey, and afterward to Cronstadt 
as instructor of Russian officers, and he did not return 
until 1740 In the meantime, Frederick II.. known as 
Frederick the Great, had ascended the throne. Young 
Steuben pursued his education in the Jesuit Colleges at 
Neisse and Breslau in Silesia, which had been recently 
conquered by the Prussians. He seems to have become 
proficient in mathematics, history, German and French. 
Concerning this period he writes : "The troubles of a 
military life, the narrow circumstances of my parents and 
their frequent changes of residence, did not permit them 
to give me any better education than that which a poor 
young nobleman in Prussia always receives. But while 
other young officers led a dissolute and extravagant life, 
I applied myself closely to study, and exerted myself not 
only to learn my profession, but to enlarge my knowledge 
of belles-letters and the practical science. Nevertheless, 
from want of time and the necessary means, I made only 
slow progress." 

Von Steuben's school life evidently did not exceed 
four years, for we find him with his father as a volunteer 
at the siege of Prague in 1744, when Frederick wrested 
Prague from Maria Theresa, Archduchess of Austria, 



10 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

and Queen of Hungary and Bohemia, who had previously 
taken the city from Charles VII., of Bavaria, then Em- 
peror of the so-called Holy Roman Empire. Francis of 
Lorraine, later Grand Duke of Tuscany, had married 
Maria Theresa in 1736, who made him co-regent, and by 
her influence he was elected Emperor to succeed Charles 
VII., on September 13, 1745. In the meantime, Frede- 
rick was operating pretty much as a free lance in Ger- 
many, and converting what had been considered the 
phantom title of King of Prussia into very much of a 
reality. Although he spoke German incorrectly and pre- 
ferred French literature, yet he was a born leader, and 
around him clustered the first impulses of German (at 
least Prussian) nationality, which more than a century 
later were to bear their full fruition. 

Young Steuben was promoted to the rank of Ensign 
in 1749 and Second Lieutenant in 1753, becoming First 
Lieutenant in 1755. That his duties were not always 
pleasant, and that the Seven Years' War was already 
casting its preliminary shadows is disclosed by a letter 
from Schweidnitz in Silesia, written to his friend, Count 
Henkel Von Donnersmark, of the Supreme Count of 
Silesia, dated June 14, 1754, in which he says : 

"While you, my dear Count, are figuring in the 
Temple of Themis, I am condemned to a most revolting 
occupation. A work that Mr. De Balby has traced across 
a cemetery, requires the cutting of a deep ditch, in the 
course of which half-decomposed dead bodies are contin- 
ually disinterred. I fear for my poor soldiers. The 
noisome exhalations will become more insupportable as 
the season advances. I order vinegar, brandy, tobacco, 
in short, everything that I can think of for their protec- 
tion, to be served up to them. As yet I have no sick, but 
I fear the month of July. In order not to alarm them, 



THE VON STEUBENS 11 

I am continually at work, notwithstanding my disgust for 
this abominable occupation, and my subordinates are 
obliged to follow my example — Or a pro nobis! The for- 
tifications are extensive, and appear to be well planned. 
I should like them to be more solid, and then this place 
would be well adapted for the King's purpose, to serve 
him as a great depot in case we go to war with la grande 
dame. I am occupied in taking a plan of the entire fort- 
ress, which we shall discuss when we meet. Unfortun- 
nately that will not be before the end of September. 
* * * What do your Berlin correspondents say? 
Are Mesdames Elizabeth and Mary Therese vexed with 
our Great King? I should be happy if they were. Al- 
though I am more gallant with the ladies than my mas- 
ter, I am extremely anxious to have an encounter, even 
as apprentice, with these two Amazons. Yes, my dear 
Henry, if there is a war, I promise you, at the end of a 
second campaign your friend will be either in Hades, or 
at the head of a regiment." 

In another letter Steuben tells of a visit to Glatz, 
also in Silesia, describing the fortifications of that place 
with the precision of an expert. 

Frederick's movements had not been unnoticed by 
his neighbors, who viewed his increasing strength not 
only with jealousy but with apprehension that if not 
crushed or at least curbed he would become a serious 
menace to them. He was already too strong to be at- 
tacked single-handed, so in 1756 a coalition was formed 
consisting of Austria, Russia, France, Sweden and Sax- 
ony to overcome him. He could raise an army of 150,- 
000 men, and the coalition proposed to hurl 500,000 
soldiers against him, but lack of concentration on the one 
side, and Frederick's military genius on the other placed 
the contending parties more on an equality than their 



12 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

comparative resources seemed to indicate. England 
joined with Prussia, and furnished a welcome contin- 
gent of troops, but her greatest service was keeping 
France busy in America and India. Of course Frederick 
was in war against his Emperor who was the husband of 
Maria Theresa, although to do Francis justice, he was 
little more than Secretary to his vigorous minded wife, 
whose generals took care of her interests in the field. 
There was the "Army of the Holy Roman Empire" un- 
der command of the Prince of Saxe-Hildburghausen, but, 
as a writer remarks, "This latter army was not as formid- 
able as its title, and totaled only some 60,000 mostly 
undisciplined and heterogenous combatants." This is 
only mentioned to show the shadowy character of what 
had once been a world power. 

It would be foreign to the purpose of this memoir to 
follow the varying fortunes of the Seven Years' War ex- 
cept as they were directly connected with our subject. 
Steuben's regiment was known as the Thirty-First, being 
part of the army of Field Marshal, Count Schwerin. 
This regiment performed arduous service, and especially 
distinguished itself at the second battle of Prague on 
May Gth, 1757, where Steuben was wounded, but not 
seriously enough to compel his withdrawal from the ser- 
vice, for on November 5 of the same year we find him en- 
gaged at the battle of Rossbach, where Frederick gained 
one of his most brilliant victories, completely routing the 
allied army of 64,000 by a comparatively small force. 
His part in that battle remained as a fond memory with 
Steuben until his death. 

The next year Steuben withdrew from the regular 
army and entered the service of Gen. John Mayr, proba- 
bly the most prominent soldier of fortune of his day, 
then in the service of the King. Although standing armies 



THE VON STEUBENS 13 

had largely replaced the desultory levies of the feudal 
system, yet there were still some free lances who had 
considerable latitude, and Von Mayr was one of them. 
An illegitimate child, of scarcely any education, and of 
less character, he entered the military service of the 
Duke of Lorraine at the age of 18 as a band boy, and was 
soon after made Sergeant. He attained a reputation for 
skill and daring during the Turkish war, and served the 
ten years from 1744 to 1754 in the army of the Elector 
of Saxony and afterward in the Netherlands. Having 
killed a brother officer in a duel, he was compelled to 
leave the Saxon army, and took service under Frederick 
the Great, to whom he was a welcome acquisition, who 
gave him an appointment as aide-de-camp, and after- 
wards charge of the semi-independent corps referred to 
above. Here he performed herculean service and be- 
came a terror to his enemies, for which he was given the 
rank of Major-General. Here it was that Steuben 
learned thoroughly those tactics and infantry manage- 
ment generally which were to prove so valuable in later 
years. Von Mayr died in January, 1759, and Steuben, 
who had won laurels sufficient to be attract the attention 
of military experts, returned to the regular army. He 
was appointed Adjutant to General Von Hulson, then 
operating in Saxony. On June 5, 1759, Gen. Hulson 
with about 10,000 men, left Dresden and united his 
forces with Gen. Von Dohna, near Frankfort on the 
Oder, where Steuben met his old comrades of the 31st 
regiment. On July 23, 1759, Gen. Wedell, who had 
succeeded Dohna, with only 26,000 men, engaged a force 
of 70,000 Russians. He was defeated with a loss of 
6,000 men, which gave an opportunity for the Austrians 
and Russians to concentrate a force of 90,000 men en- 
trenched at Kunnersdorf. Frederick attempted to flank 



14 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

them with 43,000 but met with a terrible defeat, losing 
half his army, and being wounded himself. Among the 
wounded was Gen. Von Hulson, as well as Steuben. It 
was owing largely to the courage and skill of the 31st 
regiment in covering the retreat of the Prussians that 
Frederick's army was not completely annihilated, with 
possibly the capture of the King himself, as it guarded 
him from the field, a service which he recognized by 
awarding a week's extra pay to each member of the regi- 
ment. But, although beaten, Frederick was not con- 
quered, and continued with varying success to maintain 
a bold front to his foes, in which he was aided by a 
strong British contingent. Steuben took an active part 
in the campaign of the next two years, and in September, 
1761, he was sent by the King, then at Bunzelwitz, with 
General Platen and 7,000 men to Poland, to make a di- 
version in the Russian rear. Frederick's fortunes were 
almost as desperate as those of Rome when Scipio de- 
cided to carry the first Punic war into Africa, and the 
results were somewhat similar. Platen's corps started 
on its march on September 11, and four days after met 
a convoy of Russian provisions and ammunition near 
Gostyn in Poland, defeated 4,000 troops, burned the train 
with its provisions, and captured 1,900 prisoners. It is a 
somewhat interesting coincidence that Steuben's father, 
while an engineer in the Russian service, built a bridge 
over the river Wartha by which the Prussian troops were 
enabled to cross. Platen's next movement was to the 
relief of Colberg, and Steuben's brigade of 2,000 troops 
was sent to Treptow, nearby to guard supplies intended 
for Colberg. This latter place was besieged by a force 
of 8,000 men, and running short of ammunition General 
Knobloch, the commandant, was compelled to surrender, 
Steuben negotiating terms with the enemy. This occur- 



THE VON STEUBENS 15 

red on October 23, 1761, and Steuben with the other of- 
ficers was sent to St. Petersburg as prisoner of war. This 
turned out to be a blessing in disguise for Frederick, 
whose fortunes were now well nigh desperate. Steuben 
and his associates became very friendly with the Grand 
Duke Peter, who was also an admirer of Frederick. The 
Empress Elizabeth (one of the two Amazons whom 
Steuben in his youthful days desired to meet) died on 
January 5, 1762, and was succeeded by Peter, who at 
once withdrew from the alliance and opened peace nego- 
tiations with Frederick. It is said that he even ordered 
his troops in the field to co-operate with the Prussians. 
Be this as it may, an armistice was signed on March 16, 
and shortly after a treaty of peace was concluded by 
which Pomerania, which had been wrested from Prus- 
sia, was given back, and a contingent of 18,000 men 
placed at Frederick's disposal. Of course Steuben and 
his friends were released, and flattering offers made to 
the latter to induce him to join the Russian army. He 
preferred returning home, however, with General Knob- 
loch, where the King manifested his appreciation of 
Steuben's services by appointing him aide-de-camp on 
his personal staff with the rank of captain. Certainly the 
honor was none too great, for, humanly speaking, Rus- 
sia's defection at this time was Frederick's salvation, and 
this was largely due to Steuben. Russia's withdrawal 
was followed by that of Sweden, and although Spain by 
this time had been drawn into the fray, yet her aid, which 
was chiefly naval, could not offset these losses, coupled 
as they were with the exhaustion of France and Austria. 
William North, Steuben's aide-de-camp, gives an- 
other reason for Steuben's advancement at this time, 
which Mr. Kapp discredits, although he publishes North's 
statement as follows : 



16 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

The Baron had been for sometime in the family and friend- 
ship of Prince Henry (William) the King's brother, of whom 
he never spoke but with the greatest tenderness and affection. 
In an unfortunate campaign of the Seven Years' War, the 
prince incurred the displeasure of his harsh brother, who di- 
rected him to retire from the army and ordered his aides-de- 
camp to their different corps, or put them on such unpleasant 
duty as might make them feel the misfortune of belonging to a 
man who had dared to displease, perhaps to disobey him. Steu- 
ben was sent into Silesia to recruit, equip and discipline within 
a certain period, a corps broken down by long and hard service. 
The pecuniary allowance for this object was entirely inadequate, 
but who in the Prussian service dared to murmur or remon- 
strate! By the assistance of friends funds were found, and the 
regiment, complete, was marched to headquarters within the 
time. Pleased with the prompt performance of a duty, of the 
arduousness of which the King was well apprised, the Baron 
received his compliments, and, in a little time after, the appoint- 
ment of aide-de-camp to the monarch, with the charge of super- 
intending the department of the quartermaster general. 

Whether all this detail is true or not, certain it is that 
Steuben was receiving a technical training which most 
thoroughly qualified him for the great work he afterwards 
accomplished on this side of the Atlantic. He is his own 
authority for the statement that in the last year of the 
was he was Quartermaster General and Adjutant Gen- 
eral to the King, and that in the winter of 1762-3 he had 
command of the regiment Von Salmuth, subsequently 
Hesse Cassel. During this period he w a s also member of 
an academy of young officers appointed by the King for 
the special purpose of studying the science of war and 
military tactics under the personal supervision of the 
monarch himself. 

The withdrawal of Russia and Sweden did not end 
the war, but the odds being now more even if not reversed 
Frederick and his generals, who had been trained in the 
hard school of experience, had matters pretty much their 
own way. The siege of Schweidnitz in 1762, rind the vic- 
tory of Prince Henry over the "Empire" army at Frei- 



THE VON STEUBENS 17 

berg, on October 29 of that same year, practically ended 
the struggle. The assassination of Peter III. on July 18, 
deprived Frederick of further assistance from Russia, but 
that had now ceased to be a necessity, and on February 
15, 1763, a treaty of peace was conducted at Huberts- 
burg, recognizing Frederick's status quo ante, and that 
position has never since been questioned. 

If we except Frederick's successful establishment of 
his position, England was the greatest gainer by this war, 
and France the heaviest loser. By it were laid the foun- 
dation of the present British Empire, largely at the ex- 
pense of her continental neighbor, who lost all her Amer- 
ican possessions except four small islands in the West 
Indies, while she was entirely ousted from India proper. 
Probably her most humiliating position, however, was 
the order still in force dating back to the treaty of 
Utrecht in 1713, by which the fortifications of Dunkirk, 
her principal seaport, had been razed and the harbor 
filled up, an English resident being appointed to see that 
these conditions were not violated. There seems, how- 
ever, to have been a gleam of hope with a foresight into 
the future that the very completeness of England's vic- 
tory would react upon itself. Count de Vergennes, then 
French Ambassador at Constantinople, is said to have de- 
clared that this treaty had removed from the English 
colonies their only fear of foreign aggression, and that 
so far as the mother country was concerned, "They will 
no longer need her protection; she will call upon them 
to contribute toward supporting the burdens they have 
helped to bring on her, and they will answer by striking 
off all dependence." We are not sure that Vergenness ex- 
pressed himself as clearly as is here quoted, but he very 
likely, with the rest of his countrymen, counted on a day 
of reckoning-. 



18 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

The ending of the Seven Years' War naturally 
threw a great many officers out of active service, although 
a large standing army was retained, the beginning of 
that military burden which has rested so heavily on mod- 
ern Europe. Von Steuben, however, decided to quit the 
military service, the reasons for which have not been 
made very clear. The King in recognition of his services 
had given him a lay benefice attached to the religious 
chapter of Havelsberg, which was equivalent to an annual 
pension of 400 thalers, about $300, but nevertheless, it is 
said that he did not consider his claims to promotion 
sufficiently recognized. Others say he had a duel with 
one Count Anhalt, while a third report ascribes his re- 
tirement to discontent with the monotony of garrison 
life. A letter written in his later years ascribes his act 
to "an inconsiderate step and an implacable personal ene- 
my." This would seem to give weight to the duel theory, 
but the baron's reticence leaves the matter somewhat ob- 
scure. In order to get his discharge he pretended to have 
poor health, but the King was apparently not willing to 
let him go. Residing a short time in Halle and Dessau, 
he then went to Hamburg, where he met Count St. Ger- 
main, at that time in the service of Denmark, who had 
something to do with his subsequent career. In May, 
1764, he was at the springs of Wildbad, in Suabia in 
company with Prince Frederick of Wurtemberg, where 
he met the Prince of Hohenzollern-Hechingen. By the 
latter he was tendered the office of Grand Marshal of his 
Court, upon the personal recommendation of Prince 
Henry, of Prussia, and the Princess of Wurtemburg. In 
the meantime. Steuben having received his discharge 
from the Prussian army he accepted the new position, and 
left for Henchingen, the local capital. His apparent 
duties were largely ceremonial, such as court presenta- 



THE VON STEUBENS 19 

tions &c, of more importance in those days of detailed 
etiquette than would seem at first sight. In addition the 
Grand Marshal, if a man of ability, was usually the con- 
fidential adviser of the sovereign, where he had ample 
room to display his tact and genius. He held this office 
for ten years to the general satisfaction of the Prince and 
those with whom he came in contact. He seems to have 
been more than satisfied with this position after the ardu- 
ous labors of an active military life for he declined an 
offer to enter the service of the King of Sardinia in 1764, 
and similar offers made by the German Emperor, Joseph 
II., in 1766 and 1769. He accompanied the Prince on 
his visits to various courts, especially to that of France 
in 1771, where he made acquaintances who were destined 
to materially affect the future. During this period he pur- 
chased a county seat near Hechingen, where he no doubt 
expected to end his days, but this was not to be. The 
religious dissensions of the sixteenth century were still a 
disturbing element in Germany, and the Baron being a 
Lutheran, was obnoxious to the Roman Catholic influ- 
ence which was prevalent at court. Not caring to be the 
subject of intrigues then prevailing, he resigned his posi- 
tion, with the best of feelings between the Prince and 
himself, and went to Carlsrue. Here he took service in 
the court of the Margrave of Baden, who, on May 28, 
1769, had honored him with the cross of the order, "De 
la Fidelite." This was an order established on June 17, 
1715, by Charles, Margrave of Baden, and was limited to 
thirty members of noble extraction, unsullied lineage and 
irreproachable conduct. Steuben was the 167th member 
from the foundation of the society. Lossing was in error 
when, in his Field Book of the Revolution he ascribed this 
decoration to the King of Prussia. 

Although Steuben had been released from the Prus- 



20 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

sian military service he held an honorary position under 
the Empire, being General of the Circle of Suabia, a sort 
of militia rarely called into active service. Possessing 
both leisure and a competency he spent a portion of his 
time in travel, thus meeting some prominent men, among 
them Count St. Germain, already mentioned. Steuben was 
still in the prime of life, and soon tired of this dilettante 
method of living. He desired to re-enter the military 
service, where there was a prospect of active work in a 
controversy then in progress, afterwards culminating in 
an armed conflict, over the Electorship of Bavaria. In 
accepting positions in foreign armies Prussian officers 
usually demanded a higher rank than they had at home, 
which demands interfered generally with their prospects. 
The German Emperor had more offers than he could ac- 
cept, especially in time of peace, but notwithstanding this 
Steuben was urged to pay his respects to him at Stutt- 
gardt, in 1777, with the probability that he would be 
taken into the Imperial army. Steuben, however, did not 
act on the suggestion, and the favorable opportunity, if 
it existed outside the mind of Steuben's advisers, passed 
by. 

In April of 1777, Steuben started to visit some Eng- 
lish friends whom he had met the previous year in the 
south of France. He went by way of Paris where he had 
many old friends, among them Count De St. Germain, 
then French Minister of War. This was on May 2d, and 
having informed the Count of his arrival, the latter sent 
him word not to come to Versailles, where the audience 
would be public, but he would meet him privately three 
days later at the Paris Arsenal, when he would have 
something of importance to communicate. This natur- 
ally aroused considerable curiosity in Steuben's mind, 
especially as an officer was to be sent to conduct him to 



THE VON STEUBENS 21 

the rendezvous. In his notes he says, "I had formed no 
ambitious schemes, and was perfectly satisfied with my 
situation. I could not define the meaning of this enigma. 
I can certify, upon my honor, that among all the conjec- 
tures I made, the truth never occurred to me." 



CHAPTER II. 

A CRITICAL PERIOD. 

Rise of a Romantic Character — Beaumarchais and the American 
War — Inside Movements of th eFrench Court — A Politico- 
Mercantile House. 

What was then a mystery to the Baron is of course 
clear to all now in the light of subsequent events. As we 
have seen the peace of 1763 had left France despoiled of 
all her American possessions except a few small islands 
in the We^t Indies, and England became her beneficiary 
here as well as in Hindostan, while the degrading condi- 
tions in regard to Dunkirk and restriction of the navy 
continued, and the Kings of England added the title of 
France to that of their own land. As if this were not 
sufficient, England as mistress of the seas, boldly claimed 
the right to search neutral vessels for contraband of war, 
and this claim was exercised in a manner calculated to 
provoke the greatest possible irritation. That the ruling 
classes in France should be more than restive under such 
conditions could be counted on as a certainty, but where 
was the remedy? For two hundred years bad govern- 
ment and ruinous wars had so exhausted the country that 
it was on the verge of bankruptcy. Louis XV., under 
whom the treaty of 1763 had been signed, was dead, and 
his amiable but inefficient son had ascended the throne in 
1774. Eleven years of peace had somewhat mitigated 
the condition of the wretched peasantry, but it was the 
conviction that the country was in no condition to at- 
tempt a war with anybody, much less all powerful Eng- 
land. There was, however, in literary circles at that 
time considerable doctrinaire discussion of freedom and 



A CRITICAL PERIOD 23 

the rights of men, and to these the uprising in America 
promised an illustration of their theories. Consequently 
that cause was earnestly espoused by a class of which 
Marquis de Lafayette was the best exponent. Should 
America succeed in breaking the English fetters it might 
mark the beginning of the downfall of the British Empire. 
a consummation devoutly to be wished by every loyal 
Frenchman. Louis XVI. himself, was not very eager to 
send aid to the colonists. However anxious he may have 
been to get even with England, a rebellion of subjects 
against their King was not a cause which would appeal 
to an absolute monarch. The colonists themselves were 
at first rather slow to assert their independence. What 
they wanted was a redress of grievances, and there was 
always danger to an outsider who should inject himself 
into a family quarrel, lest the combatants might patch 
up their differences and, if not turning on the intruder 
with their combined forces, at least leave him to his 
fate. And could America even with the assistance of 
France, hope to carry on a successful conflict with Eng- 
land? This was very doubtful, and hence the greatest 
caution and circumspection must be used to avoid every- 
thing that would provoke English suspicion which would 
be promptly followed by severe retaliation. Lord Stor- 
mont, the then English Ambassador at Paris, had his 
detectives at work, and kept his government well in- 
formed of the progress of events. 

Fully aware of the resentment on the part of France 
against England the Americans counted on taking ad- 
vantage of it, and almost immediately after the Declara- 
tion of Independence, Silas Deane, Arthur Lee and Ben- 
jamin Franklin were apopinted a commission to contract 
foreign alliances, especially with France. Deane was al- 
ready in Paris, Lee was the agent for Massachusetts in 



24 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

London, while Franklin, though still in America, was 
well known in France, where he had visited several years 
before. At this time Count Vergennes, whose prediction 
has already been quoted, was now Minister of Foreign 
Affairs, and Count de Maurepas was President of the 
Council of State, both being confidential advisers of the 
King, and in a position to exercise a controlling influence 
on the course of events. But before pursuing the thread 
of our narrative it is first desirable glance at another 
person who certainly held a most unique position in this 
or any other period. 

In the year 1732 in the St. Denis quarter of Paris 
lived a watchmaker named Andre Charles Caron, who 
had come from the province of Brie. On January 24 of 
that year, was born to him a son to whom was given the 
name of Pierre Augustin Caron. He was the only boy 
in a family of six children. He received a moderate edu- 
cation, his father intending to bring him up as a watch- 
maker, to which trade he was apprenticed on arriving at 
suitable age. A literary and musical taste shortly de- 
veloped, and although he followed his trade of watch- 
making until the age of twenty-four, yet his compositions 
along these lines attracted the attention of friends, to 
the disgust of his father, who preferred a good trades- 
man to a poor poet. That he was skillful in his calling 
is evidenced by the invention of an escapement for clocks 
and watches which was pirated by another party, but 
which a committee of the Royal Academy of Science 
found to belong to Caron. 

Having presented one of his new timepieces to 
Louis XV. he now signs himself "Watchmaker to the 
King," and as such had an entree to the palace at Ver- 
sailles. A favorite with the ladies Caron attracted the 
soecial attention of the wife of the Controleur de la 



A CRITICAL PERIOD 25 

Bouche, in other words an officer of the King's pantry, 
apparently not a very elevated position, but one of those 
sinecures with which monarchs were wont to reward 
their favorites, and which carried with them a certain so- 
cial standing as well as a salary, generally a small one. 
M. Frauquet. the present incumbent, was considerably 
older than his wife, who in turn was about six years 
older than Caron. The aged husband was subsequently 
persuaded to give up his post in favor of Caron, and two 
months later was accommodating enough to die of apo- 
plexy on January 3, 1756, and on November 22 of that 
year, Caron married his widow. Then he added to his 
own name that of Beaumarchais, by which he is generally 
known. The title is said to have been borrowed from a 
small fief belonging to his wife, which, however, his 
enemies did not fail to insist existed only in imagination. 
But one step more was needed to enroll his name in the 
list of the nobility, and this was taken five years later 
when he purchased the office of Secretary to the King 
for 85,0000 francs, and henceforth he was legally entitled 
to call himself Monsieur de Beaumarchais. In the mean- 
time his wife died on September 29, 1757, from an attack 
of typhus fever. Years after, when engaged in lawsuits 
with his wife's relatives, he was charged by them with 
having poisoned her, but this charge was fully disproved. 
Beaumarchais had become proficient on the flute and 
harp, and by this means helped the four sisters of Louis 
XV. to while away many hours of a monotonous exist- 
ence. In a court permeated by petty jealousies this fa- 
voritism was provocative of insult from the courtiers, 
with one of whom he became involved in a duel in which 
his adversary received a fatal sword thrust, a result 
which Beaumarchais mourned until the day of his death. 
Subsequently he purchased another office having the high 



20 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

sounding title. Lieutenant-General of the Preserves in the 
Bailiwick and Captainry of the Warren of the Louvre. His 
duties here were sort of a judgeship to preserve the right 
of the King to exclusive sporting within a radius of 
twelve or fifteen miles around Paris. Misfortune now 
fell upon him, and by a letter de cachet, for what reason 
is not very clear, he was consigned to the prison of For-1'- 
Eveque. His detention does not seem to have been very 
long, for we find him the next year (1764) making a 
journey to the Spanish court on behalf of his sister, whose 
betrothal to a Spaniard had been repudiated by the latter. 
He remained more than a year at Madrid, engaging in 
speculations as well as gallantries for which his musical 
and other accomplishments well fitted him. Returning to 
Paris in 1765, he became involved in another love affair, 
the details of which do not concern us, and in 1767 put 
forth his first drama, Eugenie, and from this time was 
prominent in literary as well as court circles. He re- 
married in April, 1768, his wife dying November 21, 
1770. He was wealthy and prosperous at this time, al- 
though his enemies did not hesitate to insinuate marital 
poisoning a second time, but without offering any proofs. 
He soon after became involved in a series of lawsuits 
lasting some seven years, which greatly embarrassed 
him, and at times threatened his complete ruin. He 
again found himself at For-l'-Eveque, but secured his 
liberty on May 8, 1773, and the following March was 
sent by Louis XV. on a secret mission to London to pre- 
vent the publication of some court scandals which an ad- 
venturer proposed to print. The errand was successful, 
and the blackmailer reaped a rich harvest, but when 
Beaumarchais returned to Paris for his reward Louis XV. 
was dying, and on May 10, 1774, he passed away. 

Louis XVI. doubtless was not sufficiently interested 



A CRITICAL PERIOD 27 

in the scandals of his father's court to feel under very 
deep obligation to the agent who had succeeded in sup- 
pressing undesirable disclosures, but he soon had troubles 
of his own. There were threats of blackmailing pam- 
phlets from London affecting the new Queen Marie An- 
toinette, and, mindful of his previous work, Beaumarch- 
ais was naturally invoked to do what he could toward 
having them suppressed. So in June, 1774, he was sent 
back to London. We have not space to recount his ad- 
ventures here, at Amsterdam and in Germany, while pur- 
suing the object of his search. They would furnish ma- 
terials for a serio-comic opera quite as lively as his subse- 
quent dramatization of "The Barber of Seville." He 
reached Vienna in the course of this journey where he 
had an interview with the Empress Maria Theresa, 
mother of Marie Antoinette, at Schoenbrunn castle. Al- 
though possessing a warrant in the handwriting of the 
King of France, Beaumarchais was arrested as an ad- 
venturer and confined a month, when he was released 
with the offer of a thousand ducats from the Empress, 
which he refused, and made his way back to Paris. He 
gave his services gratis, but the expense connected with 
the affair amounted to 172,000 francs ($35,000) to sup- 
press a couple of unimportant poems. 

The next adventure of Beaumarchais is more re- 
markable than any of its predecessors. There was at this 
time in London one Chevalier d'Eon, who had played a 
leading part in French politics, been a captain of drag- 
oons, Secretary of Legation and temporarily Minister 
Plenipotentiary from France to England. Having quar- 
reled with the Ambassador, Count de Guerchy, he was 
recalled by Louis XV., but was secretly detained by him 
at London with a pension of 12,000 francs. In some 
way about 1771, d'Eon then being 43 years of age, doubts 



28 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

were raised concerning his sex, and bets were made on 
this question. Instead of settling the matter at once the 
Chevalier encouraged this mystery, and furthermore 
claimed to possess State secrets from 1763, which if dis- 
closed would start another war between France and 
England. Beaumarchais was sent to London to secure 
the papers bearing on this matter, and to him the Cheval- 
ier declared himself to be a woman. An order was re- 
ceived from Louis XVI. in 1775 to make this declaration 
public, and for d'Eon to assume the habit of his (or her 
sex). This was done, and at the age of fifty d'Eon 
donned female garments in which he appeared at Ver- 
sailles in 1777, and followed that attire until his death 
in 1810. Beaumarchais appears not to have doubted 
d' Eon's confession to him, and to have entertained the 
belief that d'Eon was actually in love with him. The au- 
thorities at the French Court, however, were no doubt 
skeptical, but adopted the theory for political reasons. A 
postmortem examination proved that d'Eon was a com- 
pletely formed man. 

The motives of the different parties to this decep- 
tion have been the subject of much controversy into 
which it is not necessary here to enter. Beaumarchais's 
visits to London during this period have a deeper inter- 
est to us than speculations concerning a chevalier's sex, 
for it is at this time that he begins to take an interest in 
American affairs, and in his dispatches to the King he 
passes abruptly from the lesser to the greater subject. His 
residence in London at this time not only brought him in 
contact with both the friends of America and the Court 
followers, but his business furnished a convenient cloak 
for acquiring information which was promptly conveyed 
to his government. At that time, John Wilkes was 
Mayor of London. He was a great demagogue, but 



A CRITICAL PERIOD 29 

partly by his address and still more by the unconstitu- 
tional methods adopted by the Parliamentary majority 
to deprive him of the seat to which he was elected, he had 
created a strong following among the masses. He took 
up the cause of the colonies, more doubtless to annoy the 
government party than through any love for the Ameri- 
cans, and his house was a sort of rendezvous where Beau- 
marchais met disaffected partisans from both sides of 
the Atlantic. It was now 1775, Lexington and Bunker 
hill had demonstrated that the Americans would contest 
by force the exactions of the British Ministry, while the 
latter was preparing to put forth every exertion to pre- 
vent the rebellion from becoming a revolution. Beau- 
marchais carefully studied the signs of the times, and 
concluded that now or never was France's opportunity 
to humble her hereditary foe and to restore her fallen 
prestige. On September 21 of that year he addressed a 
long memorial to King Louis XVI, urging active aid to 
the insurgents. In fact his ardor is such that he wonder- 
fully exaggerates the military strength of the Americans 
as well as the power of their advocates in Engalnd. 
Among other things, he says : 

I have received particulars from an inhabitant of Philadel- 
phia, who had lately arrived from the Colonies and had just 
been present at a conference of the English ministers, who were 
thrown into the greatest trouble, and struck with terror by his 
recital. The Americans, determined to suffer everything rather 
than give way. and full of that enthusiasm for liberty, which has 
so often rendered the little nation of Corsica redoubtable to the 
Genoese, have 38.O0O effective men. armed and resolute beneath 
the walls of Boston: they have reduced the English army to the 
necessity of dying of hunger in this town, or of seeking for win- 
ter quarters elsewhere, which it will do forthwith. About 40,000' 
men well armed, and as determined as the former, defend the 
rest of the country, without these 80,000 men having taken away 
a single laborer from the ground, a single workman from the 
manufactories. All those persons who were engaged in the fish- 
eries, which the English have destroyed, have become soldiers, 
and feel that they have to avenge the ruin of their families and 



30 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

the liberty of their country; all those persons who took part in 
maritime commerce, which the English have brought to an end, 
have joined the fishermen to make war on their common perse- 
cutors; all the persons who worked in the harbors have in- 
creased the army of furious men, whose actions are all animated 
by a spirit of vengeance and hatred. 

I say, sir, that such a nation must be invincible, above all 
when it has at its back as much country as it can poessibly re- 
quire for retreating, even if the English could make themselves 
masters of all their seaboard, which they are far from having 
done. All sensible persons, then, are convinced in England, that 
the English colonies are lost to the mother country, and that is 
also my opinion. The open war which is taking place in Amer- 
ica is less fatal to England than the intestine war which must 
yet break ont in London. The bitterness between parties has 
been carried to -the greatest excess since the proclamation of the 
King of England which declares the Americans to be rebels. 
* * * The least check which the royal army receives in 
America, by increasing the audacity of the people and the oppo- 
sition, may decide the affair at London at a moment when it is 
least expected, and if the King finds himself forced to yield. I 
say it with a shudder, I do not think his crown more secure on 
his head than the heads of ministers upon their shoulders. This 
unhappy English nation, with its frantic liberty, may inspire the 
man who reflects with true compassion. It has never tasted the 
sweetness of living peaceably under a good and virtuous King. 
They despise us. and treat us as slaves because we obey volun- 
tarily, but if the reign of a weak or bad prince has sometimes 
caused a momentary evil to France, the licentious rage, which 
the English call liberty, has never left an instant of happiness 
and true repose to this indomitable nation. King and subjects 
are equally unhappy. Now, to increase the trouble still more, a 
secret subscription has been opened in London at the houses of 
two of the richest merchants of the capital, where all the disaf- 
fected send their gold to be forwarded to the Americans, or to 
pay for the assistance which is supplied to them by the Dutch. 

It is apparent that Beaumarchais was not interested 
in America as such at this time. He was acting solely in 
the interest of France, keeping the King informed of the 
progress of events as he saw them. Either his own en- 
thusiasm or that of his informers led him into making 
some very wild statements. The heterogeneous army be- 
fore Boston never exceeded 20,000, and half of that was 
useless from lack of supplies, while, there was no army 
at all in the rest of the country unless a few scattered 



A CRITICAL PERIOD 31 

companies of militia be considered such. Neither was 
the English public convinced at this time that the colonies 
were lost. The gold forwarded to America at this pe- 
riod was also largely mythical, and the predictions con- 
cerning the future prospects of the English and French 
thrones furnish curious reading in the light of subsequent 
events. He does not advocate any alliance at this junc- 
ture or open assistance, for that would at once provoke a 
war with England, for which France was not prepared. 
But he soon reaches the conclusion that "The Americans 
will triumph, but they must be assisted in their struggle, 
for if they succumbed, they would join the English, and 
would turn round against us. We are not yet in a fit 
state for making war; we must prepare ourselves, keep 
up the struggle, and with that view send secret assistance 
in a prudent manner to the Americans." 

But Vergennes was cautious and the King less than 
luewarm, which moves Beaumarchais on February 29, 
1776 to indite another long epistle to his master in which 
he reviews the whole situation, and vividly portrays the 
consequences which must inevitably result to France from 
her continued inaction. After a discussion of the politi- 
cal situation in London, he adds : 

A secret deputy (Arthur Lee) from the colonies to London, 
quite discouraged by the inability of the efforts he has made, 
through me, with the French ministry, to obtain assistance in the 
shape of powder and ammunitions of war, says to me now, "For 
the last time, is France absolutely decided to refuse to us all 
assistance, and to become the victim of England and the fable 
of Europe through this incredible apathy? Obliged to give a 
positive answer, I wait for reply in order to give my own. We 
offer France in return for her assistance, a secret treaty of com- 
merce, which will transfer to her for a certain number of years 
after the peace, all the advantages by which we have, for more 
than a century, enriched England, besides guaranteeing her pos- 
sessions according to the forces at our disposal. Do you not ac- 
cept this? I only ask from Lord Shelburne the time a vessel 
would take to go and return, to inform the Congress of the 



32 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 



propositions of England, and I can tell you at present what 
resolutions the Congress will take on the subject. They will 
immediately make a public proclamation, by which they will 
offer to all the nations in the world, in order to obtain their as- 
sistance, the conditions I now offer unto you in secret. And in 
order to take vengeance on France, and force her publicly to 
make a declaration with respect to them, if we commit her be- 
yond recall, they will send into your ports the first prizes they 
take from the English; then, on whatever side you may turn, this 
war which you avoid and fear so much, becomes inevitable, for 
either you will receive our prizes in your ports, or you will send 
them back; if you receive them, the rupture with England is 
certain; if you send them back, instantly the Congress accepts 
peace on the conditions imposed by the Mother Country; the 
Americans in indignation, unite all their forces to those of Eng- 
land to fall on your islands, and to prove to you that the fine pre- 
cautions you had taken for preserving your possessions were 
just those which were to deprive you of them forever. Go, sir. 
go to France, set before them this picture of affairs; I will shut 
myself up in the country until your return, so as not to be 
forced to give an answer before receiving yours. Tell your min- 
isters that I am ready to follow you there, if necessary, in order 
to confirm these declarations; tell them that I hear the Con- 
gress has sent two deputies to the Court of Madrid with the 
same object, and I may add that they have received a very satis- 
factory answer. Could the French council possess now the 
glorious prerogative of being the only one to be blinded as to 
the glory of the king and the interests of his kingdom?" 

Such, sire, is the terrible and striking picture of our posi- 
tion. Your majesty wishes sincerely for peace. The resume of 
this memorial will furnish you, sire, with the means of preserv- 
ing it. Let us submit all possible hypotheses, and let us reason. 
What follows is very important. 

Either England will have the most complete success in 
America during the campaign, or the Americans will repel the 
English with loss. 

Either England will come to the determination already 
adopted by the King of abandoning the colonies to themselves, 
or parting from them in a friendly manner; or the opposition, in 
taking possession of the government, will answer for the sub- 
mission of the colonies on condition of their being restored to 
the position they were in 1763. 

Here are all the possibilities collected together. Is there a 
single one of them which does not instantly give you the war 
you wish to avoid? Sire, in the name of God. deign to examine 
the matter with me: 

First, if England triumphs over America, she can only do so 
by an enormius expenditure of men and money. Now the only 
compensation the English propose to themselves for so many 
losses is to take possession on their return of the French islands, 



A CRITICAL PERIOD 



and thus make themselves the exclusive vendors of the valuable 
supply of sugar, which can alone repair all the injuries done to 
their commerce, and this capture would also render them forever 
the absolute possessors of the advantages derived from the con- 
traband commerce carried on by the Continent with these isl- 
ands. Then, sire, there would remain to you nothing but the 
option of commencing at a later period an unprofitable war, or 
of sacrificing to the most shameful of inactive peaces all your 
American colonies, and of losing 280.000,000 of capital, and more 
than 30,000,000 of revenue. 

Second, if the Americans are victorious they instantly be- 
come free, and the English, in despair at seeing their existence 
diminished by three-quarters, will only be the more anxious, the 
more eager to seek a compensation which will have become in- 
dispensable in the easy capture of our American possessions; 
and we may be certain that they will not fail to do so. 

Third, if the English consider themselves forced to aban- 
don the colonies to themselves without striking a blow, as it is 
the secret wish of the King they should do, the loss being the 
same for their existence, and their commerce being equally 
ruined, the result for us would be similar to the preceding one, 
except that the English, less weakened by this amicable surren- 
der than by a bloody and ruinous campaign, would only derive 
from it more means and facilities for gaining possession of our 
islands, which they would then be unable to do without, if they 
wished to preserve their own, and to keep any footing in 
America. 

Fourth, if the opposition takes possession of the govern- 
ment, and concludes a treaty of reunion with the colonies, the 
Americans, indignant with France, whose refusal will alone have 
caused them to submit to the Mother Country, threaten us from 
the present moment to unite all their forces with England in 
order to take possession of our islands. They will, indeed, only 
re-unite with the Mother Country on this condition, and heaven 
only knows with what joy the ministry, composed of Lords 
Chatham, Shelburne and Rockingham, whose dispositions to- 
wards us are publicly known, would adopt the resentment of the 
Americans, and carry on war against you without cessation, the 
most obstinate and cruel war. 

What, then is to be done in this extremity, so as to have 
peace and preserve our islands? You will only preserve the 
peace you desire, sire, by preventing it at all price from being 
made between England and America.and in preventing one from 
completely triumphing over the other; and the only means of 
attaining this end is by giving assistance to the Americans, which 
will put their forces on an equality with those >of England, but 
nothing beyond. And. believe me. sire, that the economy of a 
few millions at present, may, before long, cost a great deal of 
blood and money to France. Believe me above all. sire, that the 
necessary preparations for the first campaign will alone cost 



34 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

you more than all the assistance you are asked for now; and 
that the wretched economy of two or three millions (francs) 
will certainly make you lose, before two years, more than three 
hundred. 

If it be replied that we cannot assist the Americans without 
wounding England, and without drawing upon us the storm 
which I wish to keep off, I reply in my turn that this danger 
will not be incurred if the plan 1 have so many times proposed 
be followed, that of secretly assisting the Americans without 
compromising ourselves; imposing upon them as a first condi- 
tion that they shall never send any prizes into our ports, and 
never commit any act which shall tend to divulge the secret of 
the assistance, which the first indiscretion on the part of Con- 
gress would cause it instantly to lose. And if your majesty has 
not at hand a more clever man to employ in the matter I under- 
take and answer for the execution of the treaty, without any 
one being compromised, persuaded that my zeal will supply my 
want of talent better than the talent of another could replace 
my zeal. 

How much of the above was bluff on the part of 
Arthur Lee and how much evolved from the brain of 
Beaumarchais it is impossible to say. But it makes very- 
clear the underlying motive which was influencing those 
in control of French affairs, so far as it concerned the 
American war. It was not specially to aid an oppressed 
people struggling for liberty, it was not even revenge for 
past injuries or present humiliation, although these were 
strong factors. It was the instinct of self preservation. 
Possible future conditions exercised a more potent in- 
fluence than past history, although that had taught them 
what to expect. Should England either retain or lose the 
colonies without being crippled she might be expected to 
further increase her strength at the expense of France, 
and in this she would probably be aided by the very col- 
onists who a few years before had aided in expelling the 
French from Canada. The policy should be to assist the 
weaker side in this contest, to make it equal, all things 
considered, with the stronger, "but nothing beyond." It 
was not peace between the combatants that was desired, 



A CRITICAL PERIOD 35 

but a war which should exhaust both sides to an extent 
that they would no longer be a menace to their neigh- 
bors. Sentiment had nothing to do with the matter, so 
far as the authorities were concerned it was a mere cal- 
culation of cost in men and money, and what course 
should be adopted which would best conserve the interests 
of France. 

American independence had not yet been formally 
declared, and this, of course, made Vergennes the more 
cautious upon entering upon a course which, to say the 
least, was beset with difficulties. But Beaumarchais kept 
up his importunities, and the conduct of the British in ref- 
erence to neutral ships was not calculated to soothe the 
susceptibilities of the French. It will be noted that 
Beaumarchais in his memorial to the King suggests that 
two or three million francs be advanced to the Americans, 
and intimates that he will be the secret agent to forward 
it if desired. This was too direct for Vergennes, but 
during the subsequent correspondence he gives a hint to 
the effect that "It would be contrary to all reasons and 
propriety to pretend that we ought not to sell any article 
of commerce to any person because it would be possible 
it might pass, at second hand, into America." This 
finally crystalized into the following suggestions: 

We will give a million (francs) secretly, we will try to in- 
duce the Court of Spain to unite with us in this affair, and sup- 
ply you on its side with an equal sum; with these two millions 
and co-operation of individuals who will be willing to take part 
in your enterprise, you will be able to found a large house of 
commerce, and at your own risk can supply America with arms, 
ammunition, articles of equipment, and all other articles neces- 
sary for keeping up the war. Our arsenals will give you arms 
and ammunition, but you shall replace them or pay for them. 
You shall ask for no money fr/om the Americans as they have 
none, but you shall ask them for returns in products of their 
soil, and we help you to get rid of them in this country, while 
you shall grant them, on your side, every facility possible. In 
a word, the operation, after being secretly supported by us at 



36 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

the commencement, must afterward feed and support itself; but 
on the other side, as we reserve to ourselves the right of favor- 
ing or discouraging it according to the requirements of our 
policy, you shall render us an account of your profits and your 
losses, and we will judge whether we are to accord you fresh 
assistance, or give you an acquittal for the sums previously 
granted. 

In accordance with this arrangement Beaumarchais 
on June 10, 1776, received one million francs from the 
French government, and two months later another mill- 
ion from Spain, which, however, was transmitted through 
the French authorities. These transactions afterwards 
proved a fruitful source of litigation. 

About this time Silas Deane arrived in Paris as the 
accredited agent of the American colonies to solicit 
money and military supplies, in which the insurgents were 
woefully lacking. Deane was presented to M. de Ver- 
gennes on July 17, 1776, and pleaded the cause of the 
colonies. Of course Vergennes could do nothing directly, 
but sent Deane to Beaumarchais as a "merchant," with 
whom it might be advantageous to enter into business 
relations. On July 18, Beaumarchais wrote to Deane 
that he proposed forming a business house for the pur- 
pose of providing the Americans with those things which 
they required and could not obtain in London. On the 
20th, Deane wrote another letter to Beaumarchais asking 
a year's credit on supplies and promising payment in to- 
bacco, which Congress had purchased. This was agreed 
to, a large house known as Hotel de Hollande was hired, 
and Beaumarchais, watchmaker, comic opera writer and 
diplomat, suddenly developed into a Spanish merchant 
at Paris, under the somewhat fantastic title of Roderique 
Hortalez & Co. Within a few months he had quietly 
secured from the public arsenals some 200 mortars and 
cannon with shells and balls, 25,000 guns, 290,000 



A CRITICAL PERIOD 37 

pounds of powder with clothing and tents for 25,000 
men. He also provided three vessels, the Amphitrite, 
Seine and Mercury, to carry this cargo, besides enlisting 
a number of French officers in the enterprise. Quietly 
as this project had been carried out it could not fail to 
attract some attention, and Lord Stormont on behalf of 
Great Britain addressed the most vigorous remonstrances 
to the French Government. Neither King nor ministry 
was ready to assume the consequences of an open rup- 
ture, and an order was issued forbidding the vessels from 
sailing. The Amphitrite, largest of the three ships, had 
already sailed from Havre but for some trifling cause 
stopped at Nantes and L'Orient, at which latter place she 
was detained. Finally, however, all three vessels got 
away, and, early in 1777, arrived at Portsmouth, N. H., 
with their welcome supplies for the American army. Two 
more ships followed, and by September, 1777, there had 
been sent to America stores to the amount of a million 
dollars. Remittances even in kind from America were 
very uncertain, and although the French authorities ad- 
vanced another million francs yet our "merchant" was 
considerably embarrassed. 



CHAPTER III. 

STEUBEN AND BEAUMARCHAIS. 

Germain's Plans Disclosed — Meeting of Steuben and Beau- 
marchais — Former Concludes to Go to America, the latter 
to Furnish Funds — Beaumarchais Subsequently Faces Bank- 
ruptcy and Death — Long Controversy With Congress. 

We now return to Baron Steuben, who, as we have 
seen, had arrived in Paris on May 2d, 1777, where a 
private rendezvous was appointed by Count St. Germain, 
for what purpose Steuben could not conceive. A few 
days after he was conducted by Baron De Pagenstecher, 
Colonel of the Legion Conde, to Germain's Cabinet or 
private room, where the Count after congratulations, 
spread out a map of America with the declaration, "Here 
is your field of battle. Here is a republic which you must 
serve. You are the very man she needs at this moment 
If you succeed your fortune is made, and you will ac- 
quire more glory than you could hope for in Europe for 
many years to come." 

Germain discoursed for sometime on the American 
situation, the resources of the country, the assurance of 
aid from France and Spain, and intimated the prospect 
of an open alliance between the Bourbon rulers of these 
two countries and the insurgents. The present needs of 
the Americans were shown to be that their army had no 
permanent formation, the enlistments were for short pe- 
riods, that through lack of proper management the waste 
was tremendous (as Washington had frequently pointed 
out) and that among those officers who had already 
sailed for America there was none specially qualified to 
take up this work. In short unless there was reform in 



STEUBEN AND BEAUMARCHAIS 39 

this direction neither their own resources nor help from 
friends in Europe would enable the Americans to continue 
their resistance to a successful end. To all this and much 
more the Count added : "You perceive now why I wished 
you not to appear at Versailles; I would not even wish 
you to be seen much in Paris ; you must, however, see the 
Count De Aranda (the Spanish Ambassador) and the 
Prince De Montbarey, who are acquainted with this 
project; and in order that you may have every possible 
information with respect to the United States I will send 
Mr. Deane to you." 

It was hardly to be expected that such a proposition 
would appeal at once to Steuben. Brought up as he was 
among the leaders of his time, both military and civil, 
accustomed to the pageantry of the courts of Europe, to 
the civilization and culture of his day, the suggestion 
meant that he should sever the associations of a lifetime, 
and, as it turned out, forever ; to cross the 3,000 miles of 
stormy Atlantic which was then no slight undertaking, 
only to reach what was by many considered a wilderness 
with a fringe of civilization along a hinterland of bound- 
less extent; unfamiliar with the language, uncertain as 
to what reception he might expect, and at most to labor 
with untrained levies against the most powerful empire 
of the world; these were considerations which might 
cause any thoughtful man to hesitate. Baron Steuben 
was no adventurer in the generally accepted sense of 
that term. His reputation was high, he had a small but 
assured income for life, and there was no occasion for 
him to engage in any desperate interprise in order to en- 
hance his fame or secure a livelihood. In fact it was 
more than doubtful whether either would be enhanced by 
the project now presented. 

Naturally the Baron hesitated, and asked Germain 



40 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

for his advice. The latter replied, "Sir, as a minister I 
have no advice to give you on these subjects ; but as your 
friend I would never advise you to do anything which I 
would not do myself were I not employed in the King's 
service." 

Steuben gave up his proposed trip to England for 
the present, and met Germain again the next day who 
repeated his advice not to visit Versailles, but gave him 
a letter to Caron de Beaumarchais, with whom we have 
already become acquainted, cautioning him to talk as lit- 
tle as possible concerning the matter. Beaumarchais, as 
before related, was already actively engaged in Ameri- 
can affairs. By him Steuben was introduced to Deane, 
and a few days later he met Benjamin Franklin, the 
other American commissioner who had arrived the pre- 
ceding December, and taken quarters at Passy, a suburb 
of Paris. Both of the commissioners were favorably im- 
pressed with Steuben, and from their information con- 
cerning him believed he would be most efficient in reduc- 
ing the raw recruits of the American army into a condi- 
tion which would enable them to contend on somewhat 
even terms with the trained soldiers of Great Britain. 
Although quite a number of French officers had em- 
barked in Beaumarchais's ships it was not believed that 
they were fitted for this much needed work, and the 
sequel showed that most of them were not of much ac- 
count in any direction. Among them was the marplot 
Thomas Conway, of Irish descent, who afterwards gave 
his name to a cabal against Washington. The conference, 
however, soon met with an obstacle in the shape of Steu- 
ben's expenses for the journey. He did not feel like 
embarking at his own cost, and 2,000 acres of land which 
Franklin offered him were useless as a means of raising 
the ready cash for the journey. Franklin declared that 



STEUBEN AND BEAUMARCNAIS 41 

he could advance him no money, and that he could not 
make any permanent engagement. This was not unrea- 
sonable as the American Commissioners had no funds, 
and the utmost they could do was to recommend him to 
the consideration of Congress. While there was no seri- 
ous friction the conference seemed to have taken an air 
of brusqueness that irritated the Baron, who subsequently 
declared that Franklin addressed him in terms to which 
he "was then little accustomed." He consequently left 
Passy and returned to Beaumarchais, telling him of the 
result of the conference, that he proposed returning to 
Germany and wished to hear no more of America. The 
latter informed him if money was the only obstacle he 
would furnish him with a thousand Louis d'ors (about 
$4,000) and more if needed. The Baron, while grateful 
for the offer remained inflexible, and announced his de- 
termination to leave the next day for Rastadt in Baden 
after calling on Count St. Germain. He met the latter 
on July 24, and told him that he had abandoned the 
American project, th^t he had not sufficient ready money 
to equip himself and suite. Besides that the whole matter 
rested on an uncertainty, that not long before one Du 
Coudrai had been rejected by Congress notwithstanding 
a pre-engagement with the American Commissioners, 
and, last, but not least he might be intercepted by British 
cruisers before reaching America, in which case he would 
have no claim whatever on America for the resulting loss 
and inconvenience. Germain was vexed at the outcome, 
but requested Steuben to remain a couple of days at Ver- 
sailles and meet his former friend, Prince De Montbarey. 
That day after dinner Count de Aranda, the Spanish 
Ambassador, joined the party, and to him Germain in- 
troduced Steuben with the remark, "Here is a man who 
will risk nothing, consequently he will gain nothing." 



42 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

It may be noted here that Spain was as anxious as 
France to see Britain humbled. In addition to the minor 
conflicts which had been carried on with more or less fre- 
quency since the destruction of the Great Armada, nearly 
two hundred years before, the capture of Gibraltar in 
1704, and its subsequent retention ranked as a sore spot 
equal to that of Dunkirk in France. At the same time 
the result was too doubtful to justify an open conflict, be- 
sides the building up of an independent Anglo-Saxon 
power in America to threaten or furnish an example to 
the great Spanish Colonies was the last thing to be de- 
sired. Consequently the policy of Spain, like that of 
France, was to furnish sufficient aid to the Americans to 
keep England busy, with the hope that with the exhaus- 
tion of both combatants the two Bourbon kingdoms 
might reap some advantage. There was this difference, 
however, in France there existed a decided sympathy with 
the American cause on its merits, while in Spain there 
was nothing of the kind. In fact there could hardly be 
said that there was such a thing as public sentiment of 
any kind in Spain outside of Court circles. Bourbonism 
controlled everything. 

Baron Steuben's notes, which furnished the basis for 
accounts of his personal movements at this time, do not 
disclose his conversation with Aranda, if he had any, but 
the same day he met Prince de Montbarey, who was also 
an active supporter of the American project. Both he 
and Germain urged Steuben to reconsider his determina- 
tion, but he said he would visit Germany first, and then 
think over the matter. 

He left for Rastadt the next clay, where he met 
Prince Louis William, of Baden, who was a lieutenant- 
general in the Dutch Army, and Governor of Arnheim. 
Almost immediately he received a letter from Beaumar- 



STEUBEN AND BEAUMARCHAIS 43 

chais to the effect that Germain was expecting his return 
to Versailles, that a vessel was ready to leave Marseilles 
for America, and that he, Beaumarchais, would place at 
his disposal such funds as might be necessary. A similar 
letter was rceeived from Germain urging his immediate 
return. Prince William was consulted, who urged Steu- 
ben not to hesitate but take his chances, and that such an 
opportunity to win distinction was not likely to repeat 
itself. This turned the scale, and Steuben decided to cast 
his lot with the insurgents. By arrangement with the 
King of Prussia he transferred his canonry at Havels- 
berg, worth 4,600 francs per annum, to his nephew, 
Baron Van Canitz, and left for Paris. Arriving at Paris 
on August 17, 1777, the Baron on the 18th held a con- 
ference with St. Germain and Montbarey, where it was 
agreed that he would not endeavor to secure from the 
American Commissioners any money for traveling ex- 
pense or otherwise, but inform them of his intended de- 
parture for the United States, and request letters of in- 
troduction to leading members of Congress, as he desired 
to enter their army simply as a volunteer. His reasons 
for this course were afterwards given in a letter to Alex- 
ander Hamilton, dated January 27, 1790, in which he 
says: 

From the information I received from the ministers of 
France, that the preferment of foreigners to military employ- 
ments had been a cause of discontent in the American army. I 
foresaw the necessity of pursuing a different course from that 
which had been adopted by my predecessors, in order to gain 
admission into your army. Being sure of success in my enter- 
prise, as soon as the Commander-in-Chief should be aware of 
the advantages of my military arrangements, there was but one 
difficulty to surmount, and from. Itfie complexion of the times, 
that difficulty was of the greatest magnitude. It depended upon 
obtaining such a post in the army as would enable me to make 
use of the knowledge of my profession, and to render it bene- 
ficial to the interest of the United States, without exciting the 



44 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

dissatisfaction and jealousy of the officers of your army. Any 
conditions proposed by me, under these circumstances, tending 
to insure me a recompense proportioned to my sacrifices and my 
services, would have rendered all my negotiations abortive. But 
proposals to serve the United States as a volunteer, without rank 
or pay, could give no umbrage. No person, sir, is better in- 
formed than yourself, how difficult it was, at that time, to in- 
troduce a foreigner into your army, even without any condition 
whatever. If, however, 1 should be charged with having made 
use of illicit stratagems to gain admission into the service of the 
United States, I am sure the army will acquit me, and I flatter 
myself, so also will the citizens of this republic in general. 

By advice of the Fernch ministers the Baron took 
the title of General, no doubt from his position in the 
Circle of Suabia already mentioned, which was in the main 
honorary, but which would be more effective in procur- 
ing him respectful attention abroad than that of Captain 
or aide-de-campe. 

On August 19, by the introduction of Montbarey, 
Steuben had an audience with Count de Vergennes, who 
remarked : "You are determined then to go to America?" 
and upon Steuben asking him if he thought the idea ex- 
travagant, he replied, "On the contrary it is the road to 
fame and distinction, but I strongly recommend you to 
make arrangement before hand, and not rely too implicit- 
ly on republican generosity." This advice was timely as 
events proved, but Steuben replied that he had no condi- 
tions to make with the Americans, and if the republic 
proved ungrateful that the French authorities would not 
forget him To this Vergennes replied, "You know very 
well that it is impossible for us to make conditions with 
you. I can only say to you, go — succeed, and you will 
never regret the step you have taken." 

There seems to have been considerable discussion as 
to the reforms which Steuben was expected to introduce 
into the American army, such as better inspection of 
arms, accoutrements and everything pertaining to the 



STEUBEN AND BEAUMARCHAIS 45 

troops, more economical management of supplies, 
maneuvres, drill, battle formation &c. He secured letters 
of introduction from Franklin to Washington, Samuel 
Adams, Laurens, President of Congress, Robert Morris 
the financier, and other prominent men. The amount of 
money furnished by Beaumarchais is not stated, but that 
it was satisfactory appears from a letter written by him 
to his nephew. M. D. Francy, then in America, under 
date of December 6, 1778, in which he says: 

Recall me often to the memory and good wishes of Baron 
de Steuben. I congratulate myself, from what he told me. of 
having given so great an officer to my friends the "free men," 
and having in a certain way forced him to follow his noble ca- 
reer. I am in no way uneasy about the money I lent him to 
start with. Never did I make so agreeable use of capital, for I 
have put a man of honor in his true place. I hear that he is the 
inspector general of all the American troops. Bravo! Tell him 
that his glory is the interest of my money, and that I do not 
doubt that on those terms he will pay me with usury. 

Steuben had the choice of two ports from which to 
sail, L'Orient and Marseilles, and at the suggestion of 
Aranda he chose the latter. Beaumarchais had secured 
from the government the twenty- four gun ship, Heureux, 
which had been altered and the name changed to Fla- 
mand. It had been laden with a quantity of military 
stores including 1,700 pounds of powder, 22 tons of sul- 
phur, 52 brass cannon, 19 mortars with a quantity of 
smaller items which would make a welcome addition to 
the scanty resources of the Americans. The party sailed 
from Marseilles on September 26, 1777, and besides the 
Baron included Peter S. Duponceau, his secretary and 
interpreter, De l'Enfant, De Romanai, Des Epinieres and 
De Pontiere, his aides; and M. De Francy above men- 
tioned, who was traveling as Beaumarchais's agent in 
the endeavor to get his accounts straightened out with 
Congress. Steuben took the name of "Frank," and for 



46 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

the benefit of any British cruisers which might overhaul 
them he bore dispatches from the French ministry to 
Marquis De Bouilly, Governor of Martinique. It is more 
than doubtful, however, if this would have availed any- 
thing had they been overhauled, for, although England 
and France were still nominally at peace their relations 
had become so strained that every movement was viewed 
with suspicion, and the captain of a British cruiser would 
have had little hesitancy in taking his prize into port once 
his suspicions were aroused. 

Having started the Baron on his journey to his new 
field in what afterward became his adopted country, it 
will not be amiss to follow a little further the fortunes of 
the man who was largely if not chiefly instrumental in 
furnishing the facilities which enabled Steuben to take 
the step which changed his entire career. We have seen 
that by this time Beaumarchais under the name of Ro- 
derique Hortalez & Co., had involved himself in the 
American enterprise to the extent of five million francs, 
and although he had received 3,000,000 from the French 
and Spanish governments, yet that did not prevent him 
being seriously embarrassed. All his private means had 
gone into this scheme, and expectations of recoupment 
by supplies of tobacco and other American products had 
not been realized. The American deputies even claimed 
as their own a cargo of rice worth 150,000 francs, which 
had been brought over by the Amphitrite on her return 
trip. The deputies had by this time begun to ask and 
receive advances of money from the French government 
directly, and Congress was, for awhile, uncertain whether 
Beaumarchais was really carrying on business as a mer- 
chant or was in fact merely a political agent of France. 
Beaumarchais himself stoutly maintained the former, but 
Arthur Lee, who had returned to America, gave out the 



STEUBEN AND BEAUMARCHAIS 47 

latter impression. Congress was slow enough in carry- 
ing out its plain obligations, and hence it was not surpris- 
ing that any claim upon which rested the least shadow 
was likely to receive slight attention. Nevertheless 
Beaumarchais did not relax his efforts, and on December 
6, 1778, he writes to Francy that he has a fleet of more 
than twelve sail, well armed, ready to proceed to the colo- 
nies, laden with stores of every kind. He also approves 
of advances made to Lafayette and others, who, to our 
discredit, had been "devoured by American usurers." In 
the meantime, the capture of Burgoyne, in which the sup- 
plies furnished by Beaumarchais were an important fac- 
tor, had so far raised the credit of the insurgents at Paris 
that the government had no hesitancy in advancing 
money to Deane and Franklin. 

England was not ignorant of what was going on, 
and in August, 1777, possibly as much with the intention 
of bringing matters to a crisis as from any other motive 
made a suggestion to France to enter into a treaty guar- 
anteeing to each other the possessions of the two King- 
doms in America. Threats were made that terms might 
be made with the Americans, when England would be at 
liberty to turn all her forces against France. This spider 
and fly proposition was declined, and Beaumarchais, fear- 
ful that the threat might be carried out, drew up numer- 
ous memorials to the government, protesting against fur- 
ther inaction, even drawing a form of manifesto, which 
could be and was afterwards used in notifying the Court 
of London that France had recognized the independence 
of the United States. 

News of Burgoyne's surrender reached Paris on De- 
cember 4, 1777. For months the outlook had been very 
discouraging, but it now appeared as though America 
would be able to hold her own. The ability to environ 
and defeat a large army of regular soldiers commanded 



48 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

by experienced officers argued the existence of at least 
a defacto government, with which it would be good pol- 
icy to enter into a treaty of commerce and amity. This 
was all that was contemplated in the first instance. John 
Adams was opposed to to anything more than a commer- 
cial connection by which arms, cannon, saltpetre, etc., 
could be purchased in France, and the original instruc- 
tions to the commissioners contemplated nothing more. 

An intimation to the commissioners that the matter 
would be taken up led to an interview on the 12th between 
Vergennes and his Chief Clerk Gerard (afterwards min- 
ister to the United States), on one side, and the commis- 
sioners on the other, and on the 16th Gerard called at 
Passy and informed the latter that the King was ready 
to recognize American independence and enter into a 
treaty of commerce as well as an eventual treaty of al- 
liance. There was not much trouble in arranging the de- 
tails, but it was at once recognized that the moment this 
treaty was promulgated England would make open war 
against France, with or without a formal declaration. 
Hence a treaty of alliance was made, to be kept secret and 
only to become operative in case England declared war 
against France. In that event the contracting parties 
were to make common cause, and neither party was to lay 
down its arms until the independence of the United 
States was acknowledged by England. The King was 
to make no conquests on the American continent outside 
of Florida and Louisiana, and the possessions of each of 
the contracting parties were respectively guaranteed to 
each other. Provision was also made for the admission 
of other parties to the alliance. 

The treaties were signed on the 6th of February, but 
they were kept secret, and notice was not sent to London 
until March 13. Lord Stormont left Paris as soon as 



STEUBEN AN DBEAUMARCHAIS 49 

he got word of the matters from his government, arriv- 
ing at London on the 27th. As was expected England 
immediately began preparing for war with France, and 
the first shot was fired on June 18, 1778, when two Eng- 
lish and French frigates came together in which the for- 
mer, was worsted, but reinforcements having come up 
the Frenchman retired into Brest with twenty-five men 
killed and fifty-seven wounded. 

At this point it may be profitable to inquire to what 
extent the aid extended by France contributed directly or 
indirectly to the successful issue of the war for indepen- 
dence, and whether national freedom could have been 
obtained without that aid. As has been noted there was a 
party in Congress opposed to an alliance with France or 
any other nation other than what a treaty of amity and 
commerce would naturally bring. Great as was the 
British empire the distance of its centre from the seat of 
war gave it a serious handicap, especially with the small 
and slow-going vessels of that day. On the other hand 
the Americans had a comparatively immense territory, 
which the thinly stretched line of Britain's small army 
could hardly expect to cover, and they had a goodly array 
of fighting men. The population of the thirteen colonies 
in 1774 was estimated at about 2,600,000, of which Vir- 
ginia, Maryland, Pennsylvania and Massachusetts held 
about half, and of which 500,000 were blacks. By the 
census of 1860, the State of Ohio had a population of 
2,339,511, and during the four years of Civil War which 
followed, sent into the field an aggregate of 317,133 en- 
listments. Of course many of these men enlisted at least 
twice, but reducing the whole to a three-year average, 
gives 239. 976 or nearly one in ten of the entire popula- 
tion. A similar basis would have given the revolution- 
ists an army of 260,000. Massachusetts alone had 120,- 



50 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

000 men capable of bearing arms. Of course nobody 
expected to put an army of even half that size in the field. 
The population was scattered over too great an extent of 
territory, and the proportion of those who were loyal to 
the British government was too large to permit anything 
of the kind. But allowing for all this the results were 
pitifully small. When Washington took command at 
Boston he found an army of 16,000 men of which 11,500 
were from Massachusetts, and this was increased to 
19,000 by reinforcements from Pennsylvania, Maryland 
and Virginia This was the largest single army of the 
war if we except the combined American and French 
forces at Yorktown in 1781, while during the dark days 
at Valley Forge the effective force was below 3,000 men. 
Small as was this force it was poorly equipped, there was 
a deficiency of guns, powder, provisions and everything 
which goes toward making the army an efficient military 
machine. The men were enlisted for short periods, and 
not all the efforts put forth by Washington could induce 
Congress to make suitable provisions for these things. 
As we shall see later that body was powerless to accom- 
plish all that was desired, but the prejudice against a 
standing army had much to do with the condition of af- 
fairs. When a colony was invaded the neighboring mili- 
tia would come to the field, and frequently rendered effi- 
cient help, but it was untrained, and as soon as pressure 
at that particular point had been lifted (and sometimes 
before) it would disperse, leaving a mere skeleton of Con- 
tinentals or regulars to hold the field or retreat as the sit- 
uation permitted. On one occasion Washington called 
for 6,000 Massachusetts militia, to which 120 persons 
responded. The country was rich in natural resources, 
and had it been able to secure command of the sea could 
doubtless have acquired all that was needful to equip its 




PORTRAIT OF STEUBEN, BY ANDREWS. 
In the Public Library, Steubenville, O. 



STEUBEN AND BEAUMARCHAIS 51 

armies. But British cruisers prevented that, and the 
country being largely agricultural it was absolutely need- 
ful to procure these things from the outside as well as 
money. The latter probably could have been obtained, at 
least in the earlier years of the war, had there been an ef- 
ficient system of taxation which there was not. Here 
was where the aid of France operated most strongly. 
Without the money and supplies sent from that country it 
is difficult to see how any sort of an army could have 
been kept in the field. To such an extent had this come 
to be relied on that the French authorities more than once 
protested, and advised the American authorities to help 
themselves. The French government was reimbursed 
after the war for the advances made. It should be noted, 
however, that no effective military operations were car- 
ried on by the allied forces until Rochambeau brought his 
troops to Washington's support at the siege of Yorktown. 
An abortive attempt was made on Rhode Island (not 
the present state but the island on which Newport stands) 
and a repulse was suffered in an effort to recapture Sa- 
vannah, but whatever was accomplished on land was the 
work of Americans alone. A united America under good 
management could doubtless have effected its indepen- 
dence without outside aid, but America was far from be- 
ing united, and the inefficiency, jealousies and even trea- 
son were so great, that only the wisdom and herculean 
efforts of Washington were able to conduct the ship of 
state through the stress and storm of those years into a 
safe harbor. 

It may be interesting to note here the subsequent 
career of Beaumarchais who during this period had oc- 
cupied the centre of the stage. We may also note here the 
fact that he was better known at that day, by the general 
public at least, as the writer of a popular comic operas 



52 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

than as confidential agent of the government or the main- 
spring in furnishing supplies to the American insurgents. 
To-day, however, very few who listen to "The Barber of 
Seville," have any idea that it is based on Beaumarchais's 
original composition. He began this work in 1772, but 
owing to lawsuits and the efforts of his numerous ene- 
mies it was not presented until February 23. 1775, when 
it proved a failure. The author retouched it, however, 
and upon second trial was an unbounded success. Aft- 
erwards the inspiration of Rossini gave it a dress that in- 
sured its immortality. Its companion piece, "The Mar- 
riage of Figaro," was completed in 1778, but it also had 
its tribulations, mainly on account of its supposed politi- 
cal sentiments, and it was not presented until April 27, 
1784, when it took Paris by storm. There were those 
present who persisted in discerning hidden political allu- 
sions in the composition, and as a result upon an order 
issued by the King, said to have been written at the card 
table with a pencil on the seven of spades, Beaumarchais 
was arrested and taken to St. Lazarre prison, from which, 
owing to murmurs of the people, he was released five days 
after. His specific offense was that he had compared 
Louis XVI. to a tiger. The enterprise as a whole, how- 
ever, was profitable, and netted the author 2,275,625 
francs. The Parisian popularity of the drama was doubt- 
less due more to the libretto than the music, and it prob- 
ably would soon have sunk into oblivion had it not been 
taken up and re-arranged by Mozart, whose melodies 
have given it a permanent place as a favorite with each 
succeeding generation. 

The declaration of war by England and the treaty 
of alliance between France and the United States dis- 
posed of any further surreptitious dealings (if the almost 
open transactions of the preceding year could be called 



STEUBEN AND BEAUMARCHAIS 53 

such), and the firm of Hortalez & Co. went out of busi- 
ness. In the meantime Beaumarchais had collected a fleet 
of ten vessels laden with supplies to be conveyed across 
the ocean by the Fier Roderique, a sixty-gun frigate, 
which was expected to be more than a match for any ac- 
cidental British cruiser which it might meet. When off the 
island of Grenada in the West Indies it encountered the 
fleet of Admiral d'Estaing, who was preparing to fight 
the English Admiral John Byron. Recognizing that the 
Fier Roderique would make a welcome addition to his 
force d'Estaing took possession of the vessel without re- 
gard to the transports, and in the engagement which fol- 
lowed the ship was riddled with balls and her captain 
killed. The French claimed the victory in this battle of 
July 6, 1779, as the British fleet retired, and great credit 
was given to Beaumarchais for the assistance rendered 
by his vessel. But this did not recoup his financial loss 
which was so heavy as to almost bankrupt him, but the 
French government subsequently indemnified him. He was 
active afterwards in raising funds to repair the loss of 
Count de Grasse's fleet in 1782 for which he received the 
commendation of M. de Vergennes. He also engaged in 
numerous private speculations, some fortunate and some 
otherwise, among the latter a great edition of Voltaire's 
works, then tabooed in France. Then came his presenta- 
tion of "The Marriage of Figaro" to the advantage both 
of purse and reputation, although he devoted a consider- 
able portion of the proceeds to charitable purposes. Other 
popular dramas kept him before the public no less than r 
series of lawsuits which prevented the people from for- 
getting him. In 1790 he built for himself near the site 
of the Bastile one of the most magnificent houses in 
Paris, in fact one which the people even of that gay city 
went to see a curiosity. The cost was over 1,000,000 



54 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

francs, but when the government took over the property 
in 1818 to extend a boulevard, his heirs received only 
500,000 francs. The furniture and ornaments were in 
keeping, in fact it is hard to tell just how much money 
was spent in this enterprise of which in less than thirty 
years not a trace remained. 

Beaumarchais superintended the destruction of the 
Bastile on July 14, 1789, and during the early period of 
the revolution expected great things from that movement. 
He was still writing plays which drew crowds to the the- 
atres, without anticipation of the troublous times which 
were to follow. In 1792 he undertook to procure for the 
revolutionary government, which was the only one then 
in France, 60,000 guns which had been deposited in Hol- 
land by Austria upon disarming of the Low Countries, 
but which were to be sent to the colonies to prevent their 
possible acquisition by France. De Grave, the minister 
of war, advanced for this purpose assignats of the face 
value of 500,000 francs, but whose actual value then was 
only about sixty per cent., as security for which Beau- 
marchais deposited paper worth more than twice that 
amount. He was to have further advances when needed. 
Events now succeeded each other with dazzling rapidity, 
and before arrangements could be completed with one 
ministry for the balance necessary to secure the guns it 
was succeeded by another. It was rumored that he had 
secreted the guns in his cellar, and a mob searched his 
house from top to bottom, but found nothing. Notwith- 
standing this he was arrested on the 23d of August, but 
on the 30th, just two days before the September massa- 
cres, he was released. Notwithstanding his narrow es- 
cape he went only a few miles from Paris, returning each 
night to urge the ministers to fulfill their contract. Final- 
ly he was sent to Holland for the guns with the promise 



STEUBEN AND BEAUMARCHAIS 55 

that a remittance should be sent him through the French 
Ambassador at the Hague. He went via London, where 
he borrowed quite a large sum from an English mercan- 
tile friend, but on arrival at the Hague found neither re- 
mittance nor instructions, and events proved that he was 
sent away merely to get rid of him. Finally he learned 
that he had been accused before the Convention of secret 
correspondence with Louis XVI. and divers other things. 
Private letters warned him to return to England as he 
was liable to be abducted, and the guillotine was sure 
to be his fate in Paris, provided he was not murdered on 
the way. He returned to London, and on receiving de- 
tails of the accusations against him proposed returning to 
Paris to confute them, but his English creditor clearly 
anticipating the result of such a proceeding, declared that 
it would be too much "to lose both his money and his 
friend," and arrested the latter for debt. His detention 
at the probably not uncomfortable King's Bench prison 
was certainly preferable to a Parisian dungeon with re- 
lease only through the guillotine, but sixty years of vicis- 
situde had not daunted the vigor of our subject, and he 
spent his enforced retirement in preparing a memorial 
which would vindicate him with the people if not with his 
judges. His Paris agent having raised sufficient funds 
to secure his release, and learning that the Convention 
held his family and property as hostages, he returned to 
Paris in March, 1793. "I have come," he wrote to San- 
tene, Commandant of the National Guard, "to offer my 
head to the sword of justice if I cannot prove that I am 
a great citizen." His address was long and daring, and 
unique in the annals of that period. He ridiculed Murat, 
then in power, and defended two ministers of Louis XVI., 
who had been joined in the accusation with him. His 
very audacity possibly caused a hesitancy on the part of 



56 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

the cut-throats who controlled the Convention, but a more 
potent influence was the fact that the revolutionists now 
needed the guns, and the only way to get them was 
through Beaumarchais. The task was more difficult than 
at first, for rumors of the affair had reached the British 
government which was disposed to seize them as French 
property. So the Committee of Public Safety (what a 
misnomer) gave Beaumarchais a choice between con- 
demnation or going a second time to Holland after the 
guns. The English merchant above referred to had been 
induced to claim the guns as his property, which delayed 
proceedings until Beaumarchais could reach them. He 
succeeded in retaining the guns at Tervere, where they 
were located, but the Reign of Terror was now on in full 
force at Paris, so that not only was nothing done towards 
securing them, but the Committee of Public Safety al- 
lowed the name of its own agent to be placed on the list 
of emigres, his property to be confiscated anew, and his 
wife, sister and daughter to be imprisoned. They would 
have undoubtedly have gone to the guillotine, but before 
they were reached the 9th Thermidor (July 27) had come 
when Robespiere was overthrown, and eleven days later 
they were released. But they were in poverty, the hus- 
band, brother and father was in Hamburg, a prey to anx- 
iety and conflicting emotions ; their property was put up 
for sale, and it was a problem as to how they were to 
live. 

The English finally seized the guns, but after threat- 
ening to confiscate them paid a portion of their value to 
Beaumarchais's agent. Returning to Paris on July 5, 
1796 Beaumarchais found himself practically ruined. 
Creditors were pressing him on every side, and even the 
state, which was found by one commission to owe him 
997,875 francs, now claimed him to be a debtor to the 



STEUBEN AND BEAUMARCHAIS 57 

extent of 500,000 francs. He still lived in his palace, but 
had no money with which to pay taxes or make repairs. 
Nevertheless he continued to take interest in public af- 
fairs, pursued his literary labors, became friendly with 
Napoleon, and died suddenly of apoplexy on May 18, 
1799. 

While the affairs of Beaumarchais at his death were 
so complicated that his fortune was apparently dissipated 
yet by good management his estate in the course of ten 
years had been brought up to nearly a million francs. 
This seems to have been exclusive of a large claim against 
the American government which Beaumarchais had ur- 
gently pressed during his lifetime, and was carried on by 
his daughter after his death. It will be recollected that 
on June 10, 1776, Beaumarchais received from Count 
Vergennes one million francs, for which he obligated 
himself to render account to said Vergennes. There was 
nothing in the receipt showing the source of the fund or 
what was to be done with it, but everybody including the 
principals to the transaction knew that it came from the 
French government, and that it was to be used in the pur- 
chase of supplies to be forwarded to America. With this, 
supplemented subsequently by another million from Ver- 
gennes and one from Spain as well as his own private 
means, Beaumarchais opened the Hortalez establishment, 
and began the forwarding of supplies &c. to America, to 
be repaid in the products of that country, until as before 
stated, by the fall of 1777, he had shipped products to the 
value of fully 5,000,000 francs. But returns were slow, 
and although Congress passed a vote of thanks to Beau- 
marchais for his work yet that did not pay his debts. As 
the original transactions were secret there was consider- 
able doubt in Congress as to whether he should be paid 
anything, especially as Arthur Lee had stated that these 



58 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

goods were all furnished by the French government and 
that Beaumarchais was a mere figurehead. Finally this 
part was arranged, and on April 6, 1778, a formal con- 
tract was made by Congress acknowledging these claims, 
and in October of the following year bills of exchange 
amounting to 2,544,000 francs due three years after date, 
were sent to him through Franklin as payment on ac- 
count. This was not very satisfactory, especially as an 
effort was afterwards made to avoid payment of these 
bills, but they had passed into the hands of third parties. 
Disgusted with Congress Beaumarchais tried for awhile 
to deal with the states separately, and sent two cargoes, 
one to Virginia and the other to South Carolina, which 
were promptly paid for — in paper money, whose depre- 
ciation made it almost worthless. In 1781 Silas Deane 
returned to France, when Beaumarchais presented his 
unsettled account of 3,600,000 francs, which hung fire 
for two years. 

In the meantime, although the war was over, the 
American Congress, possessing no power of taxation, and 
the states treating requisitions with contempt, was under 
the necessity of making another appeal to France for 
funds, and in 1783, asked for a loan of 6,000,000 francs. 
The latter government before making this loan desired a 
re-statement of the accounts between the two govern- 
ments. It was soon figured that the King had loaned 
18,000,000 francs directly, and had guaranteed 10,000,- 
000 loaned by Holland on which he had paid the interest, 
and now proposed to advance 6,000,000 more, making a 
total of 34,000,000. He also had inserted in the contract 
that previous to the treaty of alliance in 1778 he had 
gratuituously given 3,000,000 francs and 6,000,000 more 
in 1781, or 9,000,000 in all. Nobody disputed the item 
of 1781, but as Franklin and Deane had only received 



STEUBEN AND BEAUMARCHAIS 59 

2,000,000 previous to 1778 the query naturally arose as 
to whom was paid the other million. It was true that a 
concern known as the Fermiers Generaux had advanced 
a million previous to 1778, which was partly repaid in 
tobacco, and Franklin surmised that this might have 
come from the Crown. But inquiry being made of Ver- 
gennes the reply was that the King had nothing to do 
with it, but that the amount referred was a million de- 
livered from the royal treasury on June 10, 1776, which 
was the exact date that Beaumarchais received his first 
advance. While the Congress of that day was better at 
borrowing than paying, yet this reply was a sufficient 
justification for holding off the claim of Beaumarchais 
until the matter should be cleared up, for if he had been 
furnished with this sum as a gratuity to America then 
certainly the latter country should receive credit for it in 
the final settlement. The subsequent conduct of the 
French authorities, however, indicated a shifting of 
ground, either because, as Beaumarchais claimed, he was 
to account to it and to it only for this disbursement, or 
from an unwillingness to embarrass a subject in his settle- 
ment with a foreign power. A copy of the acknowledge- 
ment was denied, and even the name of the party to whom 
the million was delivered was refused. The present 
writer does not make even a pretense towards unraveling 
a mystery which was a subject of dispute and a puzzle to 
able financiers for over half a century, but it occurs to us 
that the original inclusion of this million francs in the 
contract of 1783 was a lapsus linguae which was after- 
wards attempted to be avoided when it was found that it 
involved a French subject. It must be remembered that 
Beaumarchais was not a party to the contract of 1783, in 
fact knew nothing about it, and nothing was mentioned 
therein of the million subsequently advanced him or the 



GO GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

million advanced by Spain. We have no account of him 
ever having been called upon by either of those Courts 
to repay any of these advances, but inasmuch as America 
had benefited by these operations they doubtless thought 
that she should not be suffered to offset them against valu- 
able services which had only partially been remunerated. 
Vergennes intimated as much, and his home government 
gave Beaumarchais moral support in pressing his claims. 
The Continental Congress passed into that of the Con- 
federation and the Confederation into the Nation, and 
still our claimant was pressing for a settlement. Finally, 
in 1793, Congress referred the matter to Alexander Ham- 
ilton, then Secretary of the Treasury, who, after careful 
investigation fixed the amount due at 2,280,000 francs, 
but suggested that settlement be deferred until further 
light be received from the French government concern- 
ing the disputed million. On June 24, 1794, Governeur 
Morris, United States Minister to the French republic, 
applied to Buchot, Minister of Foreign Affairs, for the 
receipt given by Beaumarchais, which was turned over to 
him. This was sufficient for Congress to refuse further 
allowance, although Beaumarchais vigorously declared 
that he had not received this or any sum as a gift, but 
that all the money furnished him was as a loan or invest- 
ment. So the controversy went on year after year, and 
the persistence of Beaumarchais was met by Congress 
with equal stubbornness, that body taking the position 
that the interest on this million francs had absorbed the 
balance due as found by Hamilton, and consequently they 
did not owe the claimant anything. 

Upon Beaumarchais's death the claim was taken up 
by his daughter, and in 1816 the Uinted States Govern- 
ment asked the Duke de Richelieu, French minister of 
foreign affairs if his government would declare formally 



STEUBEN AND BEAUMARCHAIS Gl 

that this million furnished June 10, 1776, had nothing in 
common with the supplies furnshed by Beaumarchais to 
the Unted States. He did so, but that did not settle the 
matter. Presidents Madison and Monroe in special mes- 
sages to Congress advised settlement of the claim, two 
Attorneys-General declared in favor of its legality, one 
committee of Congress had reported in its favor and one 
against, and in 1824 the daughter of Beaumarchais with 
her grandson, appeared personally at the Capitol. Finally 
the claim was pushed in the name of France, and in 1835, 
the matter was finally settled on the payment of 800,000 
francs. Beaumarchais estimated his loss in the Virginia 
transaction at 3,000,000 francs through the depreciation 
of paper money, so that even granting that he had re- 
ceived a subvention of 3,000,000 francs which was never 
expected to be repaid, his American transactions do not 
seem to have been very profitable. 



CHAPTER IV. 

JOURNEY TO AMERICA. 

An Eventful Voyage — Storms. Fire and Mutiny — Reception at 
Portsmouth and Boston — Journey to York — The Continen- 
tal Congress — Resume of That Body and Its Authority — 
Desperate Condition of the Colonies. 

We interrupted the story of Baron Steuben's career 
to trace the character of one but for whose aid the Baron 
would probably not have come to America, and whose 
operations at a critical period were of greater importance 
than might be inferred from the meagre outlines usually 
given in the histories. 

Returning to the subject of this biography, it may be 
said that like an ancient navigator who had left his native 
land in search of a new country, much was he tossed 
about at least on sea if not on land. From almost the day 
of sailing the Flam and encountered violent gales, the first 
of three days' duration off the African coast with no 
Father Neptune present to calm the elements. Three 
times did her forecastle take fire, and the destruction of 
the ship with its 1,700 pounds of gunpowder on board 
seemed almost a certainty. Then the crew mutinied and 
there was a battle of fourteen to eighty-four, the passen- 
gers being in the former list, before the ringleaders were 
secured. Off the coast of Nova Scotia (they were evi- 
dently on the northerly route) another storm threatened 
to send the ship and contents to the bottom. Mr. Kapp 
writes of the Baron as "hastening to his journey's end, 
and trying to relieve the monotony of life on shipboard 
by mathematical calculations, exercising his companions 
in shooting at a mark, or reading books like the Abbe 



JOURNEY TO AMERICA 03 

Raynal on America." We are not disposed to take issue 
with this statement, but from the facts related above, and 
which are also taken from Mr. Kapp's work, it can hardly 
be claimed that the voyage was a monotonous one or very 
favorable for target practice, although the shooter who 
could hit a mark while the vessel was on its beam ends, 
would have no occasion to blush for his work under more 
favorable circumstances. But all things, even ocean 
voyages, must come to an end in some way and on Decem- 
ber 1, 1777, after a most temptuous voyage of sixty-six 
days the Flamand sailed into the harbor of Portsmouth, 
N. H., which was at the time the usual port for vessels 
coming from France. Duponceau thus writes of their ar* 
rival : "It was a fine, clear, bright day. Nature had put 
on her gaudiest attire, no doubt to receive us." 

We have some doubt as to the gaudiness of nature 
at that date on the New England coast, but to the sea- 
worn mariners anything on earth under a bright sky 
looked good. That the Baron was of the same opinion 
is apparent from the following letter written at this time 
to his friend, Frank, in Hechingen : 

The more disastrous the passage the more flattering was 
my arrival in America. Before entering the port of Portsmouth 
I ordered my secretary to go ashore in a boat, and to inform 
General Langdon. the commander of the place, of my arrival, 
who came on board himself to take me and my officers ashore 
in his boat. While we were landing, we were saluted by the 
guns from the fortress and from the ships in the port. Several 
thousand of inhabitants welcomed me in the most flattering 
way. Mr. Langdon took us to his house to dine. In the mean- 
time all the inhabitants of the place crowded together "to see 
the elephant?" Although exhausted by the hardships of the 
voyage I went the next day to examine the fortifications; on 
the following day I received the troops of the garrison. 

It had been understood by the Baron that the Amer- 
icans had adopted the British uniform, and consequently 
he and his suite were arrayed in red coats with blue trim- 



64 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

mings, which at first caused them to be taken for enemies, 
but this was soon rectified. News of Burgoyne's surren- 
der on October 17, previous, was announced to the guests 
at Langdon's dinner the next day, at which everybody 
felt greatly encouraged. Steuben's first care was to write 
to Congress and General Washington announcing his ar- 
rival and tendering his services, also inclosing copies of 
introductory letters from Deane, Franklin and Beau- 
marchais. His letter to Congress, dated December 6, is 
as follows : 

Honorable Gentlemen: The honor of serving a nation en- 
gaged in the noble enterprise of defending its rights and liber- 
ties, was the motive that brought me to this continent. I ask 
neither riches nor titles. I am come here from the remotest 
end of Germany, at my own expense, and have given up an 
honorable and lucrative rank. I have made no condition with 
your deputies in France, nor shall I make with you. My only 
ambition is to serve you as a volunteer, to deserve the confi- 
dence of your general in chief, and to follow him in all his oper- 
ations, as I have done during seven campaigns with the King of 
Prussia. Two and twenty years spent in such a school seem to 
give me a right of thinking myself among the number of expe- 
rienced officers; and if I am possessed of the acquirements in 
the art of war, they will be much more prized by me if I can 
employ them in the service of a republic such as I hope soon to 
see in America. I should willingly purchase, at the expense of 
my blood, the honor of having my name enrolled among those 
of the defenders of your liberty. Your gracious acceptance will 
be sufficient for me, and I ask no other favor than to be re- 
ceived among your officers. I venture to hope that you will 
grant this, my request, and that you will be so good as to send 
me your orders to Boston, where I shall await them, and take 
suitable measures in accordance. 

To Washington he wrote much to the same effect: 

Sir: The enclosed copy of a letter, the original of which 
I shall have the honor to present to your excellency will in- 
form you of the motives that brought me over to this land. I 
shall only add to it. that the object of my present ambition is 
to render your country all the service in my power, and to de- 
serve the title of citizen of America by fighting for the cause of 
your liberty. If the distinguished ranks in which I have served 
in Europe should be an obstacle, I had rather serve under your 



JOURNEY TO AMERICA 65 

Excellency as a volunteer than to be an object of discontent to 
such deserving officers as have already distinguished them- 
selves among you. Such being the sentiments I have always 
possessed, I dare hope that the respectable Congress of the 
United States of America will accept my services. I could say 
moreover, were it not for the fear of offending your modesty, 
that your Excellency is the only person under whom, after hav- 
ing served the King of Prussia, I could wish to follow a pro- 
fession, to the study of which I have wholly devoted myself. 
I intend to go to Boston in a few days, where I shall present 
my letters to Mr. Hancock, member of Congress, and there I 
shall await your Excellency's orders. 

It is not to be supposed that the excellent English in 
which the above letters are couched came directly from 
the Baron. We have already seen that one objection to 
him coming to America was that, unlike German officers 
of to-day, he new little or nothing of the language of his 
new associates, and although he doubtless applied himself 
to study and practice in this direction, yet there had not 
been sufficient time or opportunity to acquire more than 
a mere smattering of his new tongue. In fact his defi- 
ciency in this direction was a serious handicap during the 
early part of his American career, and he did not speak 
English fluently until long after his arrival in this coun- 
try. He doubtless dictated his letters to Duponceau in 
German, or French, who rendered them into good Eng- 
lish. 

Before following the Baron on his travels, it may be 
interesting to note the military situation at this time. 
Since Washington had compelled the evacuation of Bos- 
ton on the 16th of March, 1776, Massachusetts had been 
entirely free from British troops, in fact the war was over 
so far as any occupation of that colony was concerned. 
With the exception of sporadic forays and harrowing of 
the coast the same might be said of all New England 
except the posts at Penobscott and Rhode Island, whose 
limited occupation had no appreciable influence on the 



66 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

fortunes of war, and whose effect did not extend any 
distance into the interior. The surrender of Burgoyne 
through Schuyler's well laid plans, had relieved all imme- 
diate apprehension as to the highlands of the Hudson or 
that the northeastern portion of the Confederacy could 
be cut off, from the remainder. The British had com- 
mand of the sea which, while not sufficient to suppress 
American privateering, was invaluable in the movement 
of troops, as there were no interior communications ex- 
cept over unimproved roads which in the rainy season 
were converted into bottomless pits. There had been one 
or two abortive expeditions against the South, but their 
failure saved that section from the horrors of war for two 
years longer. In the centre, however, the situation was 
different. With a strong fleet and army the British held 
New York in a firm grip, and "Philadelphia had taken 
Howe" on September 26th preceding. Congress had re- 
treated to Lancaster, Pa., and then to York, where it was 
carrying on the shadow of government, while Washing- 
ton with the remnant of his forces had taken refuge in 
the woods of Valley Forge, twenty-three miles distant, 
where they were to spend the winter. New Jersey was 
destined to be the field of contending armies until near the 
close of the war, and from that cause probably suffered 
more than any other state. It will thus be seen that by 
keeping a sufficient distance from the coast to escape 
marine marauders and yet not so far as to be within the 
recognized territories of the Indians, there was reasonable 
facility of communication from one end of the Confedera- 
tion to the other, barring the ordinary perils of travel in a 
primitive country, including those from robbers and false 
brethren, otherwise Tories. 

After a delay of twelve days in Portsmouth, Steuben 
left for Boston, where he arrived on the 14th, the journey 



JOURNEY TO AMERICA 67 

taking two days. Here he was well received and met 
John Hancock, who had just come from Congress at 
York, of which he had been president. Congress had 
ordered that preparations be made as complete as possi- 
ble for the Baron's journey to York, and Hancock super- 
intended the arrangements which were quite extensive, 
five negroes being engaged as drivers and grooms, and 
everything else in proportion. Washington's reply had 
directed Steuben to go to York, as it was only with Con- 
gress that negotiations could be made. All this took 
about five weeks, and in the meantime the Baron was hos- 
pitably received at dinner parties and elsewhere. Among 
the amusing incidents of that time Duponceau tells of a 
dinner party given by Mr. Hancock to the Baron where 
he (Duponceau) sat next to Samuel Adams, and hap- 
pened to call him Mr. John Adams : "Sir," said he, look- 
ing sternly at Duponceau, "I would have you know that 
there is a great difference between Mr. Samuel Adams," 
striking his breast and laying a strong emphasis on the 
word Samuel, "and Mr. John Adams," (they were sec- 
ond cousins). Duponceau says this remark let him into 
the little jealousies that existed between some of the great 
men of the day, and he was afterwards on his guard 
against addressing people by their Christian names. 

The party left Boston on January 14, 1778, and the 
Baron's secretary has fortunately preserved a pretty full 
account of their travels through the hinterland towards 
Pennsylvania. Duponceau tells us that — 

"Our party consisted of Baron Steuben and his servant, 
Carl Vogel, a young lad whom he had brought from Ger- 
many, M. De Francy, an agent of Beaumarchais and my- 
self. We traveled on horseback. Notwithstanding the 
recent capture of General Burgoyne, the situation of the 
United States at that time was extremely critical. The 



68 GENERAL WILLIAM VOX STEUBEX 

enemy was in possession of Rhode Island, X T e\v York and 
Philadelphia, with well organized and disciplined troops, 
far superior in number to our own. Our army (if army 
it might be called) was encamped at Valley Forge, in the 
depth of a severe winter, without provisions, without 
clothes, without regular discipline, destitute, in short, of 
everything but courage and patriotism, and what was 
worse than all, disaffection was spreading through the 
land. In this dismal state of things the Baron was ad- 
vised to keep as far from the coast as possible, lest he 
should be surprised by parties of the enemy or by the 
Tories, who made frequent incursions into the country 
between New York and Philadelphia. We, therefore, 
shaped our course westward, crossing the states of Massa- 
chusetts, Connecticut, New York and Pennsylvania. We 
employed about three weeks in a journey of four hundred 
and ten miles in all, which at present (1836) would 
hardly require as many days." 

The party were at Springfield on Sunday, January 18, 
Hartford, Conn., on the 20th, crossed the Hudson at 
Fishkill, 58 miles above New York on the 28th, reached 
Bethlehem, Pa., on the 30th, Reading on February 2, 
Manheim on the 4th, and York on the 5th. No accident 
or misfortune befell the party while en route, but some of 
their adventures as related by Duponceau were quite in- 
teresting, among them the following : 
~~"We had been cautioned against putting up at a cer- 
tain tavern in Worcester County, Massachusetts, not far 
from the frontier of Connecticut. We were told that the 
landlord was a bitter Tory, and that he would refuse to 
receive us, or at least treat us very ill. We determined to 
avoid that place if it were possible. Unfortunately, 
when we were some distance from it, we were surprised 
by a violent snow storm; it was in the evening, and we 



JOURNEY TO AMERICA 69 

were compelled to take shelter in the very house we 
wished to avoid. We had not been misinformed. The 
landlord at once said that he could not accommodate us. 
He had no beds, no bread, no meat, no drinks, no milk, 
no eggs ; all that he could offer us were the bare walls. In 
vain we remonstrated and prayed, he remained inflexible. 
At last Baron Steuben grew impatient and flew into a 
violent passion. After exhausting all his store of German 
oaths, he called in that language to his servant to bring 
his pistols, which he did. Then the Baron, presenting 
the deadly weapon at the frightened landlord, repeated 
the questions that he had in vain asked before: "Have 
you any bread, meat, beds, &c. ?" The answers were 
such as we desired; we were accommodated with good 
beds and a good supper, and our horses were properly 
taken care of. In the morning after our breakfast, we 
politely took leave of our host, who though a Tory did 
not refuse the continental money in which we liberally 
paid him. — 

"Another anecdote which I now recollect, is strictly 
characteristic of those times. As we passed through the 
State of Connecticut, we put up one night at a house, 
where, for some reason that I do not remember, we were 
all obliged to sleep on the floor in the same room with the 
family, some on feather beds and some on blankets ; men, 
women and children, had all to bundle together, as it was 
called. The bedding was spread all around the room, and 
everyone took his place and went very composedly to 
sleep. The utmost decency was observed, though no fuss 
was made about it. There was so much innocence and 
simplicity in the manner in which these arrangements 
were prepared and made, that the idea of indelicacy did 
not even occur to us, and if in the morning we indulged 
in a smile at manners to which we were so little accus- 



70 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

tomed, nothing was said or thought to the prejudice of 
the morality of the good people who had entertained us 
in the best manner they were able. (The same conditions 
prevailed among the inhabitants of the Virginia moun- 
tains down at least to the Civil War period, and similar 
instances may no doubt yet be found in out of the way 
places). 

"A great number of inns in town and country, bore the 
sign of the King of Prussia, who was still very popular, 
particularly among the Germans. I remember that at 
Manheim, the Baron with a significant look, pointed out 
to me, at the tavern where we dined, a paltry engraving 
hung up on the wall on which was represented a Prussian 
knocking down a Frenchman in great style. Underneath 
was the following appropriate motto : 

' "Ein Franzman zum Prenzen Wie eine Muecke.' 
(A Frenchman to a Prussian is no more than a mos- 
quito.) 

"The good Baron appeared to enjoy that picture ex- 
ceedingly, and so no doubt did the German landlord to 
whom it belonged." 

Baron Steuben's reception at York was a repetition of 
that at Boston. Gen. Gates, who was then cabaling 
against Washington, invited the Baron to become his 
guest during his stay, which offer was prudently declined. 
On the next day after his arrival he writes to Hancock : 

Please to accept my grateful thanks for all the kindness you 
have shown me during my stay in Boston. In this very mo- 
ment I enjoy the good effects of it, having taken the liberty of 
quartering myself in an apartment of your house in this town. 
My journey has been extremely painful, but the kind recption 
I have met with from Congress and General Gates on my ar- 
rival here has made me forget those past inconveniences. Now. 
sir, I am an American, and an American for life/ your nation 
has become as dear to me as your cause already was. You 
know that my pretensions are very moderate; I have submitted 
them to a committee sent to me by Congress. They seem to be 



JOURNEY TO AMERICA 71 

satisfied, and so am I. and shall be the more so when I find 
the opportunity to render all the services in my power to the 
United States of America. Three members of Congress have 
been appointed for concluding an arrangement with me to- 
morrow; that will not take long, my only claim being the confi- 
dence of your general in chief. 

It will not be amiss here to say a few words concern- 
ing the body before which Steuben was to appear. As 
early as 1765, upon the suggestion of James Otis, of 
Massachusetts, that colony with Rhode Island, Connecti- 
cut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, 
Maryland and South Carolina selected delegates to a 
gathering at New York to prepare a joint protest against 
the stamp act and other proceedings of the English par- 
liament. Governor Dunmore prevented the assembling of 
the Virginia legislature, and so no delegates were present 
from that colony, although public sentiment favored 
the Congress. This assembly, which met on October 7, 
adjourned after preparing suitable memorials to the King, 
and did not attempt to exercise any legislative power. 
Events progressed rapidly during the next nine years, and 
in 1774 Virginia took the initiative in proposing a gen- 
eral Congress in spite of the efforts of the Royalist gov- 
ernor to prevent it. It may be news to many persons that 
the principal grievance set forth by the statesmen of the 
Old Dominion, of that day, so far as they were personal- 
ly concerned, was that in spite of their repeated protests 
the King of England had forced them into tolerating 
human slavery. The troubles in the northern colonies, 
such as the matter of tea, the billeting of troops &c. were 
to them matters of principle and sympathy with their 
troubled brethren, rather than the experience of personal 
suffering. But slavery they did not want, and they pro- 
posed to get rid of it if possible. Had any one at that 
time ventured the prediction that Virginia would at some 



72 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

future time engage in a war for the preservation of slavery 
he would have been classed as an idiot. In fact it would 
probably not be too much to say that negro slavery was 
more popular in New England than in Virginia until 
climatic conditions demonstrated its undesirability. 

Thomas Jefferson was prevented by illness from at- 
tending the convention which was called to consider the 
situation, but sent a paper that was presented by Peyton 
Randolph in which, after enumerating general wrongs he 
proceeds to this pointed declaration: "The abolition of 
domestic slavery is the great object of desire in those 
colonies where it was unhappily introduced in their infant 
state. But, previous to the enfranchisement of the slaves 
we have, it is necessary to exclude all further importa- 
tions from Africa ; yet our repeated attempts to effect this 
by prohibitions, and by imposing duties which might 
amount to a prohibition, have hitherto been defeated by 
his majesty's negative, thus preferring the immediate ad- 
vantage of a few British corsairs to the lasting interests 
of the American states, and to the rights of human na- 
ture, deeply wounded by this infamous practice." 

Brave words these, which the convention unanimously 
endorsed by the following resolution : "After the first day 
of November next we will neither ourselves import nor 
purchase any slave or slaves imported by any other per- 
son, either from Africa, the West Indies, or any other 
place." 

George Washington, Patrick Henry, Richard Henry 
Lee, Edmund Pendleton and Peyton Randolph were 
elected delegates, and when the first Congress met in 
Carpenters' Hall in Philadelphia, on September 5, 1774, 
the last named was elected President. Forty-three dele- 
gates representing eleven colonies were presnt, North 



JOURNEY TO AMERICA 73 

Carolina coming in on the 14th, and Georgia not until the 
following year. 

As to personnel this gathering probably never had a 
superior in the world's history. The two Adams's, John 
Hancock, Roger Sherman, Edward Rutledge and Liv- 
ingstones were only leading illustrations of the represen- 
tative men from every colony. The new body called itself 
the Congress, but what were its powers and duties, and 
whence were they derived? One historian writing of it 
at this period speaks of it as the Government, but quali- 
fies his expression by adding, "If such a body could be 
called a government." "The delegates themselves were 
not clear on this point ; some had been sent by legislatures 
of the different colonies, and some by conventions of the 
people, some claimed their authority to rest upon the 
natural rights of man, and others upon historical prece- 
dents which it must be confessed were not very strong. 
It could hardly be called anything more than a committee, 
whose acts unless ratified by some power behind them, had 
no more legal force than the resolutions of a literary or 
historical society." Yet during the seven years of its ex- 
istence "it exercised some of the highest functions of 
sovereignty which are possible to any governing body. It 
declared the independence of the United States; it con- 
tracted an offensive and defensive alliance with France: 
it raised and organized a Continental army; it borrowed 
large sums of money, and pledged what the lenders un- 
derstood to be the national credit for their repayment ; it 
issued an inconvertible paper currency, granted letters of 
marque, and built a navy. All this it did in the exercise 
of what in later times would have been called implied war 
powers, and its authority rested upon the general acqui- 
escence in the purpose for which it acted, and in the 
measures which it adopted." [Fiske]. 



74 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

Von Hoist in his able Constitutional History takes the 
advanced ground "that Congress being a revolutionary 
body from its origin, the people by recognizing its author- 
ity placed themselves on a revolutionary footing, not as 
belonging to the several colonies but as a moral person ;" 
for to the extent that Congress assumed power to itself 
and made bold to adopt measures national in their na- 
ture, to that extent the colonists declared themselves pre- 
pared henceforth to constitute one people, inasmuch as 
the measures taken by Congress could be translated from 
words into deeds only with the consent of the people. 
Reasoning from these premises our historian concludes 
that there never was any such thing as a sovereign state 
in this country, that when the people of the colonies sent 
their delegates to the Congress, and that body assumed 
the sovereign functions of carrying on war, making 
treaties &c, the authority which had been recognized in 
the British crown was transferred bodily to Congress, 
which by virtue of its revolutionary authority became the 
sole repository of power. Hence the Articles of Con- 
federation which were afterwards proposed were not 
only a limitation of the powers previously possessed by 
Congress, but their adoption by the legislatures of the dif- 
ferent states was illegal, null and void. This was a mat- 
ter of not much moment, however, as these Articles were 
found from their start to be unworkable, and the country 
was fast drifting into anarchy, when the genius and 
patriotism of Washington and his associates again came 
to the front and framed the present Constitution, where 
the "One people" of the Declaration of Independence, ob- 
scured or ignored by the "Union between the States" ac- 
cording to the Articles of Confederation," was restored 
by "We the People," of the existing instrument, and this 
Constitution was ratified, not by the legislatures of the 



JOURNEY TO AMERICA 75 

various states, but by Conventions chosen directly by the 
people for this purpose. 

But whether we regard the powers of the Continental 
Congress as theoretically autocratic, according to Von 
Hoist, or simply those of a committee of recommenda- 
tion, according to other historians, it will be more profit- 
able to consider what it actually did, rather than accord- 
ing to precedents it was empowered to do. There is no 
doubt that its force in the beginning existed largely in the 
character of the men who composed it. Those who con- 
trolled its councils exercised a similar influence in the 
local assemblies, and this with public opinion at their 
backs gave to their recommendations the force of law. 
The idea of independence was not formally considered in 
either the first or second Congress. Memorials to the 
King, voluntary abstention from commercial intercourse 
and passive resistance were the weapons with which it 
hoped to restore to the people their rights as Brit- 
ish subjects. But Lexington, Concord and Bunker's Hill 
shattered the hopes in that direction, and when Congress 
on June 15, 1775, elected George Washington, Com- 
mander in Chief of the "Continental Army," then back 
of Boston, it assumed in effect the highest functions of 
government, although more than a year was to elapse be- 
fore the formal declaration of independence was made. 
Canada was invaded and Montgomery lost his life, Wash- 
ington had compelled the evacuation of Boston, and the 
Southern states had actively resisted aggression, yet still 
America was counted as part of the British Empire. But 
the colonies were already practically independent, and Vir- 
ginia formally so by the adoption of a bill of rights which 
furnished the model for the greAt state paper, which, 
published on July 4, 1776, created the American Nation. 
Thus Congress proceeded as a bodv with unlimited pow- 



76 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

ers to the culmination of its work. It authorized armies, 
appointed commanders, and issued state papers ad libi- 
tum, and at the beginning the patriotism and enthusiasm 
of the insurgents prevented the weakness of the govern- 
ment from becoming too apparent. But the wit of man 
has never yet devised a government that can exist on en- 
thusiasm. It may call spirits from the vasty deep, but 
will they come? Congress soon discovered that they 
would not. As it had no power to coerce a state or the 
citizens thereof it could only request money, men and 
supplies, and frequently none was forthcoming. The 
Continental army w a s at all times pitifully small, and 
more than once on the verge of starvation, without suf- 
ficient clothing to cover its nakedness. Almost the sole 
material resources of the Government were derived from 
French loans, voluntary contributions or the costly expe- 
dient of paper money issues which soon became practi- 
cally valueless. As a result of this condition the charac- 
ter of Congress itself rapidly deteriorated ; the original 
leaders were in the army or at home taking part in the 
state governments. Had there been unity much of these 
evils might have been overcome, but, as if the situation 
were not bad enough, there were cabals and factions which 
threatened disaster, and while Washington with his little 
army was doing his best to confine the British to New 
York and neighborhood there were plots to displace him 
and put Gates in his place. There was such a prejudice 
against anything like a standing army that it was some 
time before Congress, in response to the General's earnest 
appeals, agreed to authorize a national force of eighty- 
eight battalions, about 44,000 men, and even then the 
matter might almost as well been let alone, as only a 
small fraction of that force was ever raised, and to the 
end the battles of the Revolution were fought by insignifi- 



JOURNEY TO AMERICA 77 

cant forces of Continentals, supplemented in most cases 
by militia from that or adjoining states. 

That Duponceau fully realized the situation is evident 
from his following description of the situation during his 
stay at York : 

The Congress of the United States were not at that time 
the illustrious body whose eloquence and wisdom, whose stern 
virtues and unflinching patriotism had astonished the world. 
Their number was reduced to about one-half of what it was 
when independence was declared; all but a few of the men of 
superior minds had disappeared from it. Their measures were 
feeble and vacillating and their party feuds seemed to forebode 
some impending calamity. The enemy were in possession of 
our capital city; the army we had to oppose to them were hun- 
gry, naked and destitute of everything. No foreign govern- 
ment had yet acknowledged our independence — everything 
around us was dark and gloomy. The only ray of light which 
appeared amidst the darkness was the capture o.f Burgoyne, 
which cheered the spirits of those who might otherwise have 
despaired of the commonwealth. But that brilliant victory 
had nearly produced the most fatal consequences. Saratoga was 
then what New Orleans has been since, the watchword of the 
discontented. A party was formed even in Congress, to raise 
the conqueror of Burgoyne to the supreme command of our 
armies. But the great figure of Washington stood calm and 
serene at hi? camp at Valley Forge, and struck the conspirators 
with awe. With the exception of a few factious chiefs, he was 
idolized by the army and by the nation at large. The plot was 
discovered and the plan frustrated without a struggle. Without 
any effort or management on his part, and by the mere force of 
his character. Washington stood firm and undaunted in the 
midst of his enemies, and I might almost say, looked them in 
the face. Such was the state of things when we arrived at 
York. Parties were then at their height, but as Congress sat 
with closed doors, the country at large was not agitated as it 
would otherwise have been. There were not wanting out of 
doors disaffected persons who railed at King "Cong.," and the 
bunch of "Kings" (such was the slang of the day among the 
Tories) but the great mass of the people was still in favor of 
the Revolution, and the press did not dare to utter a sentiment 
inimical to it. 



CHAPTER V. 

CONGRESS AND VALLEY FORGE. 

Final Arrangements Made — Departure for the Army — Terrible 
Condition of the Troops — Supplies and Discipline Equally 
Absent — Enormous Waste — Welcomed by Washington — 
Appointed Temporary Inspector — Radical Reforms Intro- 
duced. 

Upon information that Baron Steuben had arrived at 
York Congress appointed a committee consisting of Dr. 
John Witherspoon, of New Jersey; Messrs. Henry, of 
Maryland, and Thomas McKean, of Delaware, to wait 
on him and ascertain the terms on which he was willing 
to serve in the Continental army, and whether he had 
entered into any arrangement with Deane and Franklin. 
The conversation was carried on in French through Dr. 
Witherspoon, who acted as interpreter. As to previous 
arrangements the Baron declared that there were none, 
and he did not demand any rank or pay. He desired to 
join the army as a volunteer under the direction of the 
commander-in-chief, stating that he had relinquished 
places and posts in Germany amounting to about fiOO 
guineas ($3,000) per annum, and in consideration of this 
he expected the United States to defray his necessary ex- 
penses while in the service; that if this country should 
fail to establish its independence, or if he should not suc- 
ceed in his endeavors, in either of these cases he should 
consider the United States as free from any obligations to- 
wards him ; but if on the other hand, the United States 
should be fortunate enough to establish their freedom, 
and if his efforts should be successful, in that case he 
should expect full indemnification for the sacrifice he had 
made in coming over, and such marks of their liberality 



COXGRESS AND VALLEY FORGE 70 

as the justice of the United States should dictate. He 
required commissions for the officers attached to his 
person, that of major and aide-de-campe for De Ro- 
manai, captain of engineers for De 1'Enfant, captain of 
cavalry for De Depontiere, and captain for his secretary, 
Duponceau. - : 

More generous terms could hardly have been offered 
as the Baron not only tendered his services freely to Con- 
gress, but had given up a substantial income and home 
comforts and surroundings to embark in a doubtful ad- 
venture in a new country. The committee reported to 
Congress at once, which forthwith adopted the following 
resolutions : 

Whereas Baron Steuben, a lieutenant general in foreign ser- 
vice, has in a most disinterested and heroic manner offered his 
services to these states as a volunteer, 

Resolved, That the President present the thanks of Con- 
gress in behalf of these United States, to Baron Steuben, for the 
zeal he has shown for the cause of America, and the disinter- 
ested tender he has been pleased to make of his military talents, 
and inform him that Congress cheerfully accept of his services 
as a volunteer in the army of these states, and wish him to re- 
pair to General Washington's quarters as soon as convenient. 

All arrangements being complete the Baron and party 
left York for Valley Forge on the morning of February 
19, and arrived at Lancaster, Pa., early in the afternoon 
of the same day. Lancaster was 24 miles east of York 
in an air line, of course a little farther by the usual roads. 
It was then the largest inland town in the United States, 
and on his arrival the Baron was received by a committee 
with Colonel Gibson at the head, and the party were in- 
vited to a subscription ball to be given that evening in 
their honor. The elite of the vicinity were present, and 
the Baron was no doubt highly pleased that many of the 
young ladies could converse with him in his native tongue, 
the community having been largely composed of 



80 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

German settlers, whose thrift with that of their descen- 
dants has made that section one of the garden spots of 
the country. There was a banquet, and the festivities 
continued until 2 A. M. 

Here he met William North, who afterwards became 
his aide-de-camp and adopted son, who remarks in a 
note, "His reputation had preceded him, and those who 
remember his graceful entry and manner in a ball room, 
the novel splendor of his star and its accompanying orna- 
ments, can easily conceive the feelings of his countrymen 
and of their assembled wives and daughters ; they might 
indeed, with honest feeling, have thanked God that they 
had no reason to be ashamed of him." 

Whether the Baron remained over the next day at Lan- 
caster to recuperate from the festivities we are not told. 
It was something over fifty miles from there to Valley 
Forge, which was easily covered by the 23d when the 
cavalcade arrived at its destination. Washington was al- 
ready apprised of its coming, and Steuben writes :, 
"Upon my arrival in camp I was again the object of 
more honors than I was entitled to. General Washing- 
ton came several miles to meet me on the road, and ac- 
companied me to my quarters, where I found an officer 
with twenty-five men as a guard of honor. When I de- 
clined this, saying that I wished to be considered merely 
as a volunteer, the general answered me in the politest 
words that the whole army would be gratified to stand 
sentinel for such volunteers. He introduced me to Ma- 
jor-General Lord Stirling and several other generals. On 
the same day my name was given as watchword. The 
following day the army was mustered, and General 
Washington accompanied me to review it. To be brief, 
if Prince Ferdinand of Brunswick, or the greatest field 




JONATHAN STEmEX'S BIRTHPLACE 




CONGRESS HALL, YORK, PA., L778. 



CONGRESS AND VALLEY FORGE 81 

marshal of Europe had been in my place he could not 
have been received with greater honor than I was." 

Four days later Washington in notifying Congress of 
the Baron's arrival, says : "He appears to be much of a 
gentleman, and as far as I have had an opportunity of 
judging, a man of military knowledge and acquainted 
with the world." The first favorable impression which 
these two great men received of each other only deepened 
upon close acquaintance. 

While the sufferings of the patriot army at Valley 
Forge during the dark winter of 1777-78 have not been 
exaggerated it is not necessary to recapitulate them here. 
The whole story may be summed up in the statement 
that of the 17,000 men who at least nominally composed 
the force at the beginning of the winter sickness, naked- 
ness, death and desertions had reduced the number in 
February to a little over 5,000. There were provisions in 
the country, but not all Washington's vigorous remon- 
strances and petitions could move Congress to act effec- 
tively in furnishing the suffering troops with the neces- 
saries of life, let alone a proper military equipment. 
Thomas Conway, born in Ireland, educated in France, 
and an adventurer in America, had been appointed in- 
spector-general of the army sometime before, but he was 
more occupied in fomenting conspiracies against the 
commander-in-chief than in performing the duties of his 
office, finally resigning his commission in April, the most 
commendable act of his official career. Washington was 
also aware that in order to make effective soldiers of the 
Continentals they must be taught regular military tactics, 
to maneuver in concert, to obey promptly and automatic- 
ally and operate generally as an effective machine. The 
militia, acquainted with the use of arms, as were all the 
frontiersmen of that day could do most effective work 



82 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

while behind entrenchments at Bunker's Hill, and later 
at New Orleans, but under reversed conditions or in the 
open field they were practically useless before the trained 
veterans of Europe. With his multiplicity of duties 
Washington could not undertake this work, even if he 
were fitted for it, which is doubtful, for it has been 
demonstrated that the qualities of a great general and 
drillmaster are seldom if ever united in the same person, 
as was demonstrated at awful cost in our late Civil War. 
Had Washington been a McClellan, it is safe to say that 
American independence would never have been won. So 
it is not surprising that Steuben was a welcome addition 
to the military family at Valley Forge, and that Wash- 
ington, who was not slow in discerning the good qualities 
of his associates, soon realized that he had a valuable 
asset in Frederick's aide-de-camp. It will not be amiss 
to detail some of the Baron's impressions on reaching 
camp. He says : 

My determination must have been very firm that I did not 
abandon my design when I saw the troops. Matters had to be 
remedied, but where to commence was the great difficulty. In 
the first place I informed myself relative to the military adminis- 
tration. I found that the different branches were divided into 
departments. There were those of the quartermaster general, 
war commissary, provisions commissary, commissary of the 
treasury, or paymaster, of forage &c. But they were all bad 
copies of a bad original. That is to say. they had imitated the 
English administration, which is certainly the most imperfect 
in Europe. * * * Each company and quartermaster had a 
commission of so much per cent, on all money he expended. It 
was natural, therefore, that expense was not spared — that 
wants were discovered where there were none; and it was also 
natural that the dearest articles were those that suited the com- 
missioners best. Hence the expense of so many millions. 

The effective strength of the army was divided into divi- 
sions, commanded by major generals: into brigades commanded 
by brigadier generals; and into regiments, commanded by colo- 
nels. The number of men in a regiment was fixed by Congress, 
as well as in a company — so many infantry, cavalry and artillery. 
But the eternal ebb and flow of men engaged for three, six and 



CONGRESS AND VALLEY FORGE 83 



nine months, who went and came every day. rendered it impos- 
sible to have either a regiment or a company complete; and the 
words company, regiment, brigade, and division were so vague 
that they did not convey any idea upon which to form a calcula- 
tion, either of a particular corps or of the army in general. They 
were so unequal in their number that it would have been im- 
possible to execute any maneuvers. Sometimes a regiment was 
stronger than a brigade. I have seen a regiment consisting of 
thirty men, and a company of one corporal. Nothing was so 
difficult, and often so impossible, as to get a correct list of the 
state or a return of any company regiment, or corps. As in the 
English service, there was a muster-master general, with a 
number of assistants. It was the duty of this officer to ascer- 
tain and report every month the effective state of the army, for 
the payment of men and officers. This operation took place as 
follows: each captain made a roll of his company, whether ab- 
sent or present, after which he made oath before a superior of- 
ficer that this return was correct "to the best of his knowledge 
and belief." The muster-master counted the men present, and 
the absent were marked by him for their pay upon the oath of 
the captain. I am very far from supposing that an officer would 
voluntarily commit a fraud, but let us examine the state of the 
companies, and we shall see the correctness of such returns. 
The company had twelve men present; absent, one man a? a 
valet to the commissary, two hundred miles distant from the 
army, for eighteen months; one man valet to a quartermaster 
attached to the army of the north, for twelve months; two as 
drivers of carriages; and so many more as bakers, blacksmiths, 
carpenters, even as coal porters, for years together, although 
the greater number were only engaged for nine months at the 
outset. But a man once rn the roll of a company remained 
there everlastingly, as forming part of the effective strength, ex- 
cept in case of death or desertion, under the very eyes of the 
captain. 

According to these rolls the strength of the army for pay 
and provisions was calculated. The regimental returns fur- 
nished to the adjutant general every week, for the information 
of the general in chief, as to the strength of the army, were not 
much more exact. I am sure that at that time a general would 
have thought himself lucky to find a third of the men ready for 
action whom they found on paper. 

The soldiers were scattered about in every direction. The 
army was looked upon as a nursery for servants, and every one 
deemed it his right to have a valet; several thousand soldiers 
were employed in this way. We had more commissioners and 
quartermasters at that time than all the armies of Europe to- 
gether; the most modest had only one servant, but others had 
two and even three. If the captains and colonels could give no 
account of their men they could give still less an account of 
their arms, accoutrements, clothing, ammunition, camp equip- 



84 GENERAL WILLIAM VOX STEUBEN 



age, etc. Nobody kept an account but the commissaries, who 
furnished all the articles. A company which consisted, in May, 
of fifty men. was armed, clothed and equipped in June. It then 
consisted of thirty men; in July it received thirty recruits, who 
were to be clothed, armed and equipped; and not only the 
clothes but the arms were carried off by those who had com- 
pleted their time of service. 

General Knox assured me that previous to the establish- 
ment of my department there never was a campaign in which 
the military magazines did not furnish from 5.000 to 8,000 mus- 
kets to replace those which were lost in the way I have de- 
scribed above. The loss of bayonets was still greater. The 
American soldier, never having used this arm, had no faith in it, 
and never used it but to roast his beefsteak, and indeed often 
left it at home. This is not astonishing when it is considered 
that the majority of the states engaged their soldiers for from 
four to six months. Each man who went away took his mus- 
ket with him, and his successor received another from the pub- 
lic store. No captain kept a book. Accounts were never fur- 
nished or required. As our army is. thank God, little subject 
to desertion, I venture to say that during an entire campaign 
there have not been twenty muskets lost since my system 
came into force. It was the same with the pouches and other 
accoutrements, and I do not believe that I exaggerate when I 
state that mv arrangements have saved the United States at least 
800,000 French lives a year. 

The arms at Valley Forge were in a horrible condition, 
covered with rust, half of them without bayonets, many from 
which a single shot could not be fired. The pouches were quite 
as bad as the arms. A great many of the men had tin boxes 
instead of pouches, others had cow horns; and muskets, car- 
bines, fowling pieces and rifles were to be seen in the same 
company. 

The description of dress is most easily given. The men 
were literally naked, some of them in the fullest extent of the 
wi rd. The officers who had coats had them of every color and 
make. T saw officers at a grand parade at Valley Forge mount- 
ing guard in a sort of dressing gown made of an old blanket or 
woolen bed cover. With regard to their military discipline, I 
can safely say no such thing existed, hi the first place there 
was no regular formation. A so-called regiment was formed of 
three platoons, another of five, eight and nine, and the Cana- 
dian regiment of twenty-one. The formation of the regiments 
was as varied as their mode of drill, which only consisted of the 
manual exercise. Each colonel had a system of his own, the 
one according to the English, the other according to the Prus- 
sian or French style. There was only one thing in which they 
were uniform, and that was. the way of marching in the maneu- 
vers and on the line of march. They all adopted the mode of 
marching in files used by the Indians. Mr. De Conway had in- 



CONGRESS AND VALLEY FORGE 85 

troduced platoons and many other things, but as he was not 
liked, they had allowed all his instructions to fall into disuse, so 
that I scarcely found a trace of them. It is also necessary to 
remark that the changing of the men, the reduction and con- 
tinual incorporations deprived the corps and regiments of all 
consistence. There was another evil still more subsersive of 
order in an army: the captains and colonels did not consider 
their companies and regiments as corps confided to them by the 
United States for the care of the men as well as the preserva- 
tion of order and discipline. The greater part of the captains 
had no roll of their companies, and had no idea how many men 
they had under their orders. When I asked a a colonel the 
strength of his regiment, the usual reply was, "something be- 
tween two and three hundred men." The colonels, and often 
the captains, granted leave of absence as they thought proper, 
and not only that, but permissions to retire from the service. 
The officers were not accustomed to remain with the troops 
when the army was in camp; they lived in houses, often several 
miles distant. In winter quarters they nearly always went home, 
and there were often not more than four officers with a regi- 
ment. In the campaign of 1779 I found a Massachusetts regi- 
ment commanded by a lieutenant. The idea they had of their 
duty was, that the officers had only to mount guard and put 
themselves at the head of their regiment or company when they 
were going into action. * * * Each colonel encamped his 
regiment according to his fancy. There were guards and pick- 
ets, and 'sometimes too many; but the officers did not know their 
duty, and in many instances, did not understand the object of 
the guard. An infantry of internal guards for the commissaries 
of forage and provisions, and for the quartermaster, weakened 
the strength of the army, the more so, because these guards 
were never relieved, and remained from one \^ear to the other. 
Their arms were lost and they were all the servants of the com- 
missary, who often granted them leave not only for six months, 
but without limitation. It would be an endless task to enumer- 
ate the abuses which nearly ruined the army. The above is a 
general view of the situation of the American army as I found 
it at Valley Forge in the month of February. 1778. 

Having given the views of a military expert as to the 
condition of the army at Valley Forge it may not be 
amiss to turn for a moment, at least as a relief, to an- 
other side of the picture. Washington's headquarters 
were in the old two-story stone house still standing at the 
foot of the valley near the present Reading railway sta- 

':. In front was a little stream which emptied into 



86 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

the Schuylkill, the ground at that time sloping from the 
side of the house down to the river, which is now shut off 
by the high railway embankment. Here and close by was 
located Washington's immediate military family, begin- 
ning with Alexander Hamilton and including Greene, 
Laurens, Meade and Tilghman. Lafayette had compara- 
tively comfortable quarters on a neighboring hill, and be- 
sides the American officers there was the somewhat hete- 
rogeneous collections of foreign notables including Steu- 
ben, Du Portail, De Neuville, Custine, Fleury, Du Pies- 
sis, three Armands, Ternant, Pulaski and Kosciuski. 

They were not altogether without the presence of the 
gentler sex, for Duponceau says: "We dined twice or 
thrice a week with General Washington. We visited him 
also in the evenings, when Mrs. Washington was at 
headquarters. We were in a manner domesticated in the 
family. As to the situation of our army suffice it to say 
that we were in want of provisions, of clothing, of fodder 
for our horses, in short of everything. I remember see- 
ing the soldiers popping their heads out of their miserable 
huts, and calling out in an undertone, 'No bread, no sol- 
dier!' Their condition was truly pitiful, and their cour- 
age and perseverance beyond all praise. We who lived 
in good quarters did not feel the misery of the times so 
much as the common soldiers and the subaltern officers, 
yet we had more than once to share our rations with the 
sentry at our door. We put the best face we could upon 
the matter. Once, with the Baron's permission, his aides 
invited a number of young officers to dine at our quar- 
ters, on condition that none should be admitted that had 
on a whole pair of breeches. This was, of course, as pars 
pro toto; but torn clothes were an indispensable requi- 
site for admission, and in this the guests were very sure 
not to fail. The dinner took place. The guests clubbed 



CONGRESS AND VALLEY FORGE 87 

their rations, and we feasted sumptuously on tough 
beefsteak and potatoes, with hickorynuts for our dessert. 
Instead of wine we had some kind of spirits, with which 
we made 'salamanders', that is to say, after filling our 
glasses, we set the liquor on fire, and drank it up flames 
and all. Such a set of ragged, and, at the same time, 
merry fellows, were never brought together. The Baron 
loved to speak of that dinner and his 'sanscullottes', as 
he called us. Thus this denomination was first invented 
in America and applied to the brave officers and soldiers 
of our revolutionary army. In the midst of all our dis- 
tress there were some bright sides of the picture, which 
Valley Forge exhibited at that time. Mrs. Washington 
had the courage to follow her husband to that dismal 
abode, and other ladies also graced the scene. Among 
them was the lady of General Greene, a handsome, ele- 
gant and accomplished woman. Her dwelling was the 
resort of foreign officers, because she spoke the French 
language and was well versed in French literature. They 
often met at each other's quarters, and sometimes at 
General Washington's, where the evening was spent over 
a cup of tea or coffee. There were no levees or formal 
soirees, no dancing and playing or amusements of any 
kind, except singing. Every gentleman or lady who 
could sing, was called upon in turn for a song." 

Bad as was the situation Washington had in mind the 
driving of the British out of Philadelphia in the spring, 
as he had driven them out of Boston two years before. 
But with the army in its present condition any movement 
against the trained levies of Great Britain would be worse 
than futile. Although Congress the preceding December 
had created the office of inspector general with the osten- 
sible object of correcting these evils, yet in the hands of 
the intriguing if not traitorous Conway, the situation was 



88 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

aggravated to the breaking point. Being answerable to 
Congress and not to the general in chief, the latter was 
powerless to compel the inspector to perform his duties, 
with the outcome as given above. But with the advent of 
the Baron ready and anxious to serve under Washing- 
ton, the situation was at once changed, and with Conway 
out of the road there was no delay in instituting neces- 
sary reforms. So he promptly accepted the position of 
temporary inspector to which Washington appointed 
him, and entered upon his duties early in March. 

The task was not merely to bring order out of chaos. 
There were prejudices to overcome, state pride and other 
idiosyncracies to be handled carefully, and several plans 
of operation were drawn up before any was finally 
adopted. In this work the Baron had the valuable as- 
sistance of General Greene, Colonel Laurens and Colonel 
Hamilton Time was, of course valuable, and the Baron 
and his associates worked late each night to develop their 
plans. Finally an outline was proposed by which an in- 
spector general should be appointed at once who should 
establish a uniform system for forming the troops, exer- 
cises and maneuvers, and for the duties of guards, pick- 
ets and sentries. Also define the duties of every officer, 
the manner in which lists and accounts should be made, 
or books kept ; review the troops at least once a month, 
and make written reports to the commander-in-chief and 
war committee of Congress, with a number of other de- 
tails not necessary to enumerate here, but whose carry- 
ing out would bring order and system where there had 
heretofore been confusion. 

Washington approved the plan and asked Steuben if 
he were willing to undertake its execution. An affirma- 
tive answer was given, provided the necessary support 
and assistance were afforded which was done at once, and 



89 

brigade and division inspectors appointed, whom the 
Baron praised highly for their assistance. He thus tells 
how he began his work : 

I commenced operations by drafting one hundred and 
twenty men from the line, whom I formed into a guard for the 
general in chief. I made this guard my military school. I 
drilled them myself twice a day, and to remove that English 
prejudice which some officers entertained, namely, that to drill 
a recruit was a sergeant's duty and beneath the station of an 
officer. I often took the musket myself to show the men that 
manual exercise which I wished to introduce. All my inspec- 
tors were present at each drill. We marched together, wheeled, 
etc., and in a fortnight my company knew perfectly how to bear 
arms, had a military air. knew how to march, to form in column, 
deploy and execute some little maneuvers with excellent pre- 
cision. 

It must be owned that they did not know much of the man- 
ual exercise, and I ought to mention the reasons why I departed 
altogether from the general rule of all European armies, and 
commenced with the manual exercise in drilling recruits like 
children learning their alphabet. In the first place I had no time 
to do otherwise. In our European armies a man who has been 
drilled for three months is called a recruit; here in two months 
I must have a soldier. In Europe we had a number of evolu- 
tions very pretty to look at when well executed, but in my 
opinion absolutely useless so far as essential subjects are con- 
cerned. * * * I nevertheless taught my company to carry 
arms, stand at ease, present arms, to load, take aim, fire by 
platoons, and to charge bayonets. Another reason that induced 
me to pay but little attention to this eternal manual exercise, 
was that several of my predecessors commenced with it, and 
before they had surmounted these preliminaries, were obliged 
to quit the service, having lost their influence and before the 
officers had an opportunity of seeing the practical advantage 
of this elementary instruction. This induced me to revise the 
old system, and instead of commencing with the mannual and 
platoon exercises and ending with maneuvers. I commenced 
with maneuvers and ended with the exercise. 

I had my company of guards exactly as I wished them to 
be. They were well dressed, their arms cleaned and in good 
order, and their general appearance quite respectable. I pa- 
raded them in the presence of all the officers of the army and 
gave them the opportunity of exhibiting all they knew. They 
formed in column, deployed, attacked with the bayonet, charged 
frount etc. It afforded a new and agreeable sight for the 
young officers and soldiers. Having gained my point, I dis- 
persed my apostles, the inspectors, and my new doctrine was 
largely embraced. I lost no time in extending my operations 



90 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

on a large scale. I applied my system to battalions, afterwards 
to brigades, and in less than three weeks. I executed maneuvers 
with an entire division in presence of the commander in chief. 

The Baron's efforts met with favor, and leading Amer- 
ican officers were ready to bear testimony to the good 
that he was accomplishing. Instead of carelessness there 
was a generous rivalry among the regiments and divisions 
as to which should make the best appearance, and do its 
work most efficiently, and officers, who previously had a 
contempt for that sort of thing now vied with each other 
in instructing their men in the manual of arms. Of 
course the Baron was considerably hampered by his want 
of familiarity with the English language, although it may 
be presumed that he had acquired some knowledge of 
it since his departure from France in the preceding 
month of September. Mr. North relates his experience 
at the first parade, when the troops, neither understand- 
ing the command nor how to follow in a changement to 
which they had not been accustomed, even with the in- 
structor at their head, were getting fast into confusion. 
At this moment, Capt. B. Walker, then of the second 
New York regiment, advanced from his platoon and of- 
fered his assistance to translate the orders and interpret 
to the troops. "If I had seen an angel from Heaven I 
should not have more rejoiced," said the Baron. Walker 
was appointed his aide-de-camp, and remained a close 
friend during the rest of his life. 

During this period the Baron rose at 3 A. M., smoked 
a pipe while his valet dressed his hair, drank a cup of 
coffee, was on horseback at sunrise, and with, or without, 
his suite, galloped to the parade. The tardy were not 
reprimanded, a look from the Baron was sufficient to in- 
duce resolutions for future reform. So the work was 
inaugurated whose efficiency and good results were to be 



CONGRESS AND VALLEY FORGE 91 

tested 'ere many months on the field of battle, as well as 
on the march. 

Baron Steuben had been at Valley Forge about a 
month when he extended his instruction to general, al- 
though elementally, movements of the army. In this line 
Washington on March 28. issued the following general 
order : 

On Sunday, the 29th of March, at ten o'clock in the fore- 
noon, all brigade inspectors, with the officers who are to mount 
guard on Monday, will attend at headquarters, where the inspec- 
tor general will instruct them in what is to be done the next 
day. Then Baron Steuben, a lieutenant general in foreign ser- 
vice, and a gentleman of great military experience, having 
obligingly undertaken the exercise of inspector general in the 
army, the commander in chief, till the pleasure of Congress 
shall be known, desires he may be respected as such, and hopes 
and expects that all officers, of whatever rank in it, will afford 
every aid in their power in the execution of his office. Lieuten- 
ant Colonels Davies, Brooks and Barber, and Mr. Ternant, are 
appointed to act as sub inspectors, the three former retaining 
their rank and order in the line. The importance of establish- 
ing a uniform system of useful maneuvers and regularity of dis- 
cipline, must be obvious; the deficiency of our army in those 
respects must be equally so; but the time we probably shall have 
to introduce the necessary reformation is short. With the most 
active exertions, therefore, of officers of every class, it may be 
possible to effect all the improvements that may be essential 
to success in the ensuing campaign. Arguments need not be 
multiplied to kindle the zeal of officers in a matter of such great 
moment to their own homes, the advancement of the service, 
and the prosperity of our armies. 

In a subsequent order he said : 

The sub and brigade inspectors are to be pointedly exact 
m pursuing the written instructions of the inspector general, 
that the strictest uniformity may be observed throughout the 
army. They are not to practice one single maneuver without 
his direction, nor in a method different from it. Any alteration 
or innovation will again plunge the army into that contrariety 
and confusion from which it is endeavoring to emerge. 



CHAPTER VI. 

DRILLING THE ARMY. 

Steuben's Success at Converting a Mob Into Soldiers — Com- 
mendation of Washington — Congress Fixes His Status — 
Official Jealousy — The French Alliance. 

Such was Steuben's skill and industry that by April 
29, he was able to put the whole army through the 
"grand maneuvers," but as yet he was a mere volunteer, 
acting at the request of Washington, without rank or 
pay. But the month's trial had evidently been fully satis- 
factory to the commander-in-chief, for on the 30th we 
find him sending this report to Congress : : 

The extensive ill consequences arising from a want of uni- 
formity in discipline and maneuvers throughout the army, 
have long occasioned me to wish for the establishment of a well- 
organized inspectorship, and the concurrence of Congress in the 
same views has induced me to set on foot a temporary institu- 
tion, which, from the success that has hitherto attended it, gives 
me the most flattering expectations, and will, I hope, obtain 
their approbation. Baron Steuben's length of service in the first 
military school in Europe, and his former rank, pointed him 
out as a person peculiarly qualified to be at the head of this 
department. This appeared the least exceptionable way of in- 
troducing him into the army, and one that would give him the 
most ready opportunity of displaying his talents. I therefore 
proposed to him to undertake the office of inspector general, 
which he agreed to with the greatest cheerfulness, and has per- 
formed the duties of it with a zeal and intelligence equal to our 
wishes. * * * I should do injustice, if I were to be longer 
silent with regard to the merits of Baron Steuben. His knowl- 
edge of his profession, added to the zeal which he has displayed 
since he began the functions of his office, leads me to consider 
him as an acquisition to the service, and to recommend him to 
the attention of Congress. His expectations with respect to 
rank extended to that of major general. His finances, he ingenu- 
ously confesses, will not admit his serving without the inciden- 
tal emoluments, and Congress, I presume, from his character 
and their own knowledge of him, will, without difficulty, gratify 
him in these particulars. 



DRILLING THE ARMY 93 

Congress, on May 5, responded to Washington's appeal 
by approving his plan for the institution of a well organ- 
ized inspectorship, and appointed Steuben to the office of 
inspector general, with the rank and pay of major-gen- 
eral, his pay to commence from the time he joined the 
army and entered into service of the United States. It 
was ordered that there be two ranks of inspectors under 
the direction of the inspector general ; the first to superin- 
tend two or more brigades, and the second to be charged 
with the inspection of only one brigade. In response to 
this on May 16, Steuben (now General) wrote to Con- 
gress expressing his thanks for the honor conferred on 
him, and promising that he would endeavor to deserve, 
more and more, the good opinion it had entertained of 
him in intrusting to him so extensive a department as 
the inspection of the army. 

Matters had already been looking much better in camp 
when, on May 4, was received intelligence of the French 
alliance. This naturally raised everybody's spirits to a 
remarkable degree, and all sorts of rejoicing made the 
woods resound during those bright spring days. The 
reaction was so great that it threatened a detrimental ef- 
fect. If they had been able to withstand Great Britain 
alone what might they not be able to do with the aid of 
their powerful ally? Many relaxed their efforts, suppos- 
ing the war to be practically over. They, especially the 
foreign element, did not understand the bulldog tenacity 
of Great Britain, a trait inherent in the Anglo-Saxon 
race. It has been claimed indeed, that the French alliance 
actually deferred the termination of the war instead of 
hastening it ; that after Burgoyne's surrender the strength 
of the peace party in England had grown to such an ex- 
tent that overtures looking to independence would proba- 
bly have been made during 1778 had not the French al- 



94 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

liance intervened, which event roused the pride of every 
Briton and united all parties against their hereditary 
enemy. Among those who thought they saw peace in 
sight was Baron Steuben, who, on May 7, before receiv- 
ing his commission as Major General, wrote to Henry 
Laurens, President of Congress, congratulating him on 
the treaty so advantageous to both powers and expressing 
his pleasure in seeing the independence of America es- 
tablished on so solid a basis. He adds : "I may not, per- 
haps, have an opportunity of drawing my sword in your 
cause, but no matter, be free and happy, and I shall not 
regret having undertaken the voyage to offer you my ser- 
vices." 

Laurens did not lose his head, and four days later 
deprecating any hasty conclusions from recent events, he 
cautions, "That we are not to roll down a green bank 
and toy away the ensuing surrender. There is blood, much 
blood in our prospect, and in all appearance, in my view, 
there will be opportunity and incitement to unsheath 
your sword. Britain will not be humbled by a stroke of 
policy; she will be very angry, and if she is to fall, her 
fall will be glorious. We, who know her, ought to be pre- 
pared. A powerful army in our field may, I should say 
will, be the only means of securing an honorable peace. 
If we universally adopt and indulge the idea of peace, it 
would be presumptuous in me to intimate to a gentleman 
of Baron Steuben's experience, what probably will be the 
consequence. I am desirous of banishing from the minds 
of the people the assurance, even the hopes, of a peace for 
the present year." 

As a matter of fact three years and a half of bloody 
conflict were ahead before even the glimmer of peace was 
in prospect. As an appropriate commemoration of the 
alliance, however, Washington requested a general man- 




VALLEY FORGE. TOP OF HILL, ENCAMPMENT SOUTHERN REGTS. 




WASHINGTON'S HEADQUARTERS, VALLEY FORGE. 

The wing on the left was a log dining room built by Washington, since replaced by stone. 



DRILLING THE ARMY 95 

euver by the entire army, which passed off successfully. 
The right was commanded by Major General Lord Stirl- 
ing, Lafayette on the left, with Baron De Kalb on the 
second line. The army advanced in five columns to the 
signal of a cannon shot, taking a position on the hill top 
where it deployed and fired a shot. This was followed 
by a grand dinner, no doubt with a more plentiful supply 
of provisions than was manifest during the cold winter 
days of their discontent now made a joyous summer. 
While still standing at the table Washington delivered to 
Steuben the latter's commission of Major General and 
inspector of the army, which he had just received from 
Congress, and and congratulations and felicitations were 
in order. We must remember that the pictures of Valley 
Forge are not all sombre. The next day Washington 
issued the following order: 

The commander in chief takes great pleasure in acquainting 
the army that its conduct yesterday afforded him the highest 
satisfaction. The exactness and order with which all its move- 
ments were formed, is a pleasing evidence of the progress it has 
made in military improvement, and of the perfection to which it 
may arrive by a continuance of that laudable zeal which now 
happily prevails. The general, at the same time, presents his 
thanks to Baron Steuben and the gentlemen acting under him 
for their exertions in the duties of their office, the good effects 
of which are already so apparent, and for the care, activity and 
prosperity with which they conducted the business of yesterday. 

Notwithstanding this encouraging outlook trouble was 
brewing. At first sight one would suppose that military 
officials from the importance of their duties and the ar- 
duousness of their work, especially in time of war, would 
be the last persons to waste time and labor in stickling 
for points of etiquette or precedence. Certainly when the 
bullets begin flying the leaden balls are no respecter of 
persons, and will ruthlessly cut down the highest rank 
quite as readily as the lowest if it is in the way. But 



90 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

everybody who has had anything to do with soldiering 
knows, sometimes to his cost, that he cannot be too care- 
ful lest somebody's prerogative be infringed, and the 
slightest breach in this respect, even if done through 
ignorance or inadvertance, is at least next to an unpar- 
donable sin. The most rigid dinner party rules are no- 
where in comparison. It is difficult to see how the new 
arrangement for drilling the army, and making the 
troops subject to the call of the general drillmaster for 
that special purpose could interfere with the authority of 
the regular commanders, but they evidently thought dif- 
ferently. Mr. Kapp says that a cabal was formed against 
the Baron, headed by Major Generals Lee, Lafayette and 
Mifflin, but is not necessary to adopt this term in the 
more offensive sense. These officers considered, however, 
that the inspector was unwarrantably interfering with 
the troops under their command, and, doubtless through 
their influence, the general in chief issued an order that 
major generals should, in future exercise their divisions 
themselves, and that the brigadiers should do the same 
with their brigades, but they must adhere to the system 
prescribed by the inspector. The result was that the of- 
ficers having neither leisure nor inclination to perform 
this work it was neglected, to the great detriment of the 
army. Referring to this Steuben afterwards wrote: 

All the brigadier generals threatened to quit the service. 
I, however, in no way changed my conduct: I continually pur- 
sued the object I had in view, and flattered nobody, not even 
the general in chief. The nature of my office in the army 
obliged me to a severity to which our officers were then little 
accustomed, but I was equally severe towards my inferiors, and 
am so still at present. And here is my greatest triumph. The 
same brigadiers who opposed the inspectorship, are eager today 
to serve under my orders. These same officers, whom T never 
had flattered, honor me now with the title of friend and father. 
In the military career the testimony of the inferiors is the most 
honorable; our subalterns used to be our most severe judges. 



DRILLING THE ARMY 97 

The affection and estimation of my officers fill my heart with 
the greatest pride and satisfaction. 

The situation thus became rather strained. It is possi- 
ble and not unnatural that the Baron would be disposed 
to magnify his office, and were the soldiers still in re- 
cruiting camps he could no doubt have exercised his pow- 
ers to the fullest extent without serious conflict. But 
they were in the field, practically confronting the enemy, 
and consequently the claim of the generals to authority 
over their commands, subject only to the general-in-chief, 
could not be ignored. So when Steuben made a trip to 
Congress to have his affairs arranged on a more perma- 
nent footing, Hamilton, doubtless under the direction of 
Washington, wrote to that body as follows : 

The Baron is a gentleman for whom I have a particular 
esteem, and whose zeal, intelligence and success, the conse- 
quence of both, entitle him to the greatest credit. But I am ap- 
prehensive, with all his good qualities, a fondness for power and 
importance, natural to every man, may lead him to wish for 
more extensive prerogatives in his department than it will be for 
the good of the service to grant. I should be sorry to excite 
any prejudice against him on this account; perhaps I may be 
mistaken in my conjecture. The caution I give will do no harm 
if I am right; if I am not it may be useful. In either case the 
Baron deserves to be considered as a valuable man, and treated 
with all the deference which good policy will warrant. On the 
first institution of this office the general allowed him to exercise 
more ample powers than would be proper for a continuance. 
They were necessary in the commencement to put things in a 
train with a degree of dispatch which the exigency of our af- 
fairs required; but it has been necessary to restrain them even 
earlier than was intended. The novelty of the office excited 
questions about its boundaries; the extent of its operations 
alarmed the officers of every rank for their own rights. Their 
jealousies and discontents were rising to a height that threat- 
ened to overturn the whole plan. It became necessary to apply 
a remedy. The general has delineated the functions of the in- 
spectorship in general orders, a copy of which will be sent to 
Congress. The plan is good and satisfactory to the army in 
general. * * * There is one thing which the Baron has much 
at heart, which, in good policy he can by no means be indulged 
in — it is the power of enforcing that part of discipline which we 
understand by subordination, or an obedience to orders. This 



98 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

power can only be properly lodged with the commander in 
chief, and would inflame the whole army if put into other hands. 
Each captain is vested with it in his company; each colonel in 
his regiment; each general in his particular command, and the 
commander in chief in the whole. 

With this statement before it Congress was naturally- 
slow to comply with the wishes of Steuben, and the war 
was practically over before he realized his desires. There 
was considerable correspondence, and the war board of 
Congress bore willing testimony to the good work which 
had been accomplished between February and June under 
most disadvantageous circumstances, whose value was 
soon to be tested in a practical way. In fact the commit- 
tee drew up quite an elaborate report, which was pre- 
sented to Congress, formally creating the office of inspec- 
tor general with a corps of brigade inspectors under his 
immediate orders. These were to be approved by the 
commander in chief and reported to Congress, and were 
to have the rank of lieutenant colonels or majors. All 
regulations for the discipline and police of the army were 
placed in the hands of the inspector general, with the ap- 
proval of the commander in chief, until Congress should 
establish a permanent system ; he should also have the 
privilege of selecting six young men to act as light 
dragoons, who should receive the pay and rations of en- 
signs. They were to be instructed in laying out camps 
and other such proper service as the inspector general 
should order. Other officers were authorized to be ap- 
pointed as needed, in fact the machinery was so elaborate 
that to a lay mind it appeared likely to clog by its own 
weight. Certainly it was sufficiently complicated for an 
army much larger than the Continental force was then 
or likely to be in the near future. But. however that may 
be Congress did not adopt it, and this department was 
left to get along under temporary arrangements made by 



DRILLING THE ARMY 9» 

the commander in chief. Steuben continued to conduct 
his work as best he could, and there does not seem to 
have been any interruption in the harmonious relations 
existing between Washington and himself, although he 
must have known that the general had not encouraged 
Congress to give him supreme authority so far as his 
duties were concerned. On June 15 Washington issued 
orders providing that the brigadiers should exercise their 
brigades and the colonels their regiments according to 
the rules established by the inspector and approved by 
the general in chief with "grand maneuvers" occasion- 
ally under charge of the inspector, whose directions rela- 
tive to the exercise and agreeable to the rules laid down 
are to be observed by every officer of inferior rank who 
might command. On the daily parade of the guards the 
inspector general or the sub-inspector of the day was to 
exercise the parade under the general order of the day. 
This seemed to satisfy the general officers, for we hear 
no more complaints, and if Steuben was dissatisfied he 
concealed his feelings, for on the 18th he wrote to 
Washington : 

It gives me great satisfaction to see that your Excellency 
has taken such a wise step in my department as to engage the 
general officers and field officers of regiments to take command 
of the troops in our daily exercise. Nothing could be more use- 
ful in the present moment. I had wished, sometime ago, it 
might be the case, but in meanwhile I was endeavoring with 
the gentlemen under me, to make the officers and soldiers a lit- 
tle more perfect, in order to enable the general officers to pass 
immediately to grand maneuvers, and save them the trouble of 
descending to those toilsome and fastidious details which we 
cheerfully encountered from the beginning for the good of the 
service. No pains will be spared on my part to help on the 
general officers, and I shall always think myself happy if I can 
contribute in any manner whatsoever to the advancement of the 
American army, and prove a useful instrument in your hands. 
As it will take a few days for the general officers to become ac- 
quainted and familiar with the instructions and principles here- 
tofore approved of and established by your Excellency, and for 



100 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

the officers and soldiers to arrive at a tolerable degree of perfec- 
tion in the performance of the evolutions and maneuvers before 
practiced, I will seize this opportunity with your Excellency's 
leave, to take a short journey to York, there to settle some af- 
fairs with my friend, Mr. De Francy, and take my leave of him 
before he goes to South Carolina, as Congress has not yet come 
to any positive determination about the department. If your 
Excellency foresees that I can be of some use, I beg you will 
give me such orders and directions about the whole as you 
think proper. I must likewise beseech your Excellency to give 
me the satisfaction to let me know whether you are satisfied, as 
I am, with the officers your Excellency has appointed under me, 
and whether you are willing to have them continued in the exer- 
cise of that office. I will likewise propose to your Excellency 
the reuniting the office of brigade inspector to that of brigade 
major with the denomination of brigade majors, which officers 
will be taken from the line of majors, and not as it was before, 
some being captains, others majors or colonels. There is such 
an analogy between both offices as renders it, in my opinion, 
almost indispensable to join them in one office, were it but to 
prevent difficulties naturally arising between two officers acting 
in two different analogous departments, between which there is 
no certain line drawn. Upon these different heads I beg your 
Excellency's opinions and orders. 

While the Baron appears thus ready to accept the 
situation and make the best of it, the opinion of compe- 
tent judges is that the army suffered by the change, and 
although much had been accomplished yet it would have 
been in far better condition to accomplish the work before 
it, had there been better opportunity for the Baron to 
work out his plans in his own way. But the stirring 
events which were now to follow produced such an en- 
tire change in the state of affairs as to put the whole 
question of drills and maneuvers at least temporarily in 
the background. 



CHAPTER VII. 

FROM VALLEY FORGE TO MONMOUTH. 

Howe Evacuates Philadelphia — Movements Across New Jersey; 
Battle of Monmouth Court House — Treason of Lee — 
Steuben's Well-Drilled Troops Turn Defeat Into Victory. 

By the middle of June the 5,000 half clothed, half 
starved motley force at Valley Forge had been increased 
to 15,000 fairly well drilled troops, thanks to the untiring 
energy of the inspector general. The French alliance 
had not yet brought any substantial aid, in fact, as we 
have seen, the first effect was detrimental, but there was a 
feeling of encouragement that the situation on the whole 
had been bettered. The first instinct was naturally to- 
wards Philadelphia, where Lord Howe had passed a very 
comfortable winter. Balls and dinners, cards and other 
recreations whiled away the cold months, and if the revel- 
lers thought of the little army out at Valley Forge, it was 
with a feeling of contempt and perhaps a determination 
to go and clean out the nest as soon as spring opened. 
Washington to some extent did interfere with supplies 
reaching the city from the back country, but Phliadelphia 
was not situated on a peninsula connected by a narrow 
neck with the mainland as was Boston, nor was the Con- 
tinental force as large as in the other case. Then in 
front of the city were the fertile Jersey farms, and so 
long as British ships commanded the Delaware there was 
little danger of the city being starved out. So they went 
along with their gayeties which culminated in a sort of 
carnival on May 18 called the Michianza. Among those 
who were prominent in those festivities were Miss Mar- 
garet Shippen, subsequently the wife of Benedict Arnold, 



102 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

and the ill fated Major Andre. After this demonstration 
Lord Howe sailed for England leaving Sir Henry Clin- 
ton in charge of the invading army. When the latter 
heard of the French alliance and that Count D'Estaing 
was approaching with a strong fleet, he was alarmed at 
the prospect of losing control of the Delaware in front 
with Washington in his rear, and concluded to retreat 
towards New York. The movement began early in 
June, and 3,000 Tories with their effects having been sent 
around by water the army began its retreat across New 
Jersey encumbered with twelve miles of baggage wagons. 
The rear guard left Philadelphia on the morning of the 
18th, and that evening American troops encamped in the 
city. General Arnold was placed in command from York, 
and Philadelphia once more became the capital. 

The main American army did not enter Philadelphia, 
but crossed the Delaware into New Jersey, at 
Corryell's ferry fifteen miles above Trenton, near 
where Washington had crossed on Christmas night, 
1776, to win the battle of Trenton. Steuben on learning 
of the evacuation and that the army had moved, left 
York to rejoin it, stopping at Philadelphia en route, 
where he was joined by Duponceau. Sanitary matters 
received little public attention in those days, but the 
British authorities seem to have been grossly negligent 
even for that period, for Duponceau describes the city as 
being in a most filthy condition. He says, "I joined 
Baron Steuben at the State House in Second street, the 
celebrated boarding house so much spoken of in Graydon's 
memoirs. Such was the filth of the city that it was im- 
possible for us to drink a comfortable dish of tea that 
evening. As fast as our cups were filled myraids of flies 
took possession of them, and served us as the harpies did 
the poor Trojans in the AEneid. Some said they were 



FROM VALLEY FORGE TO MONMOUTH 103 

Hessian flies, and various jokes were cracked on the occa- 
sion, for the evacuation of the city had put us all in good 
spirits, and we enjoyed ourselves very well, the filth not- 
withstanding. The next day a house was provided for us 
in New street, where we stayed but a few days, being anx- 
ious to join the army. That quarter of the city was then 
inhabited almost entirely by Germans ; hardly any other 
language than the German was heard in the streets, or 
seen on the signs in front of the shops, so that Baron 
Steuben fancied himself again in his native country. A 
great number of the inns in town and country bore the 
sign of the King of Prussia, who was very popular, espe- 
cially among the Germans. We were, however, not capti- 
vated with the delights of Capua ; we bade adieu to Phila- 
delphia and all its German attractions, and joined General 
Washington's army in New Jersey." 

When Clinton left Philadelphia he had 17,000 men, a 
force slightly larger than that of the Americans, but he 
was hampered by the long wagon train already mentioned, 
which not only impeded his march but required a con- 
siderable force for its protection. He crossed the river 
to Gloucester Point opposite the lower end of the city, 
and moved eastward to Haddon heights and Mount 
Holly, the latter about twenty-five miles east of the pres- 
ent city of Camden. From here there were two routes to 
New York, one via Brunswick to South Amboy, which 
would bring them to the lower New York bay, and the 
other via Freehold, which would bring them to Sandy 
Hook, a little farther from their ultimate destination. 
There was very little difference in distance, but there was 
enough to be said in favor of the northerly route to make 
the choice doubtful were the way clear. But it could not 
be said to be clear. Washington was twenty-five or 
thirty miles above, moving on almost a parallel line. 



104 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

Would he attack Clinton ? was the question. The moment 
he heard of the preparation for evacuation Washington 
determined to strike a blow, notwithstanding there was 
some disparity of strength in favor of the British. A 
council of war was called on the 17th, at which Lee de- 
clared the enemy would move south and it was not advis- 
able to attack. What motive Clinton could have for 
moving south, with the French fleet daily expected in the 
Delaware, is not discernable at this late day. Neverthe- 
less, Lee carried all the generals with him except Greene, 
Lafayette, Wayne and Cadwallader. Washington was 
not deterred, but pushed across the river as above related. 
There he sent a force of six hundred men under command 
of Maxwell, with a thousand Jersey militia to destroy 
the roads, a work in which they were as much at home 
as had been their contemporaries who hampered Bur- 
goyne's army the preceding Autumn. Morgan with a 
force of six hundred men was ordered to annoy the 
enemy's flank while the main army moved to Hopewell 
near Princeton. There on the 24th another council was 
called where Lee declared that they should rather build 
a bridge of gold for the retreat of their enemies than 
attack such a well disciplined army. Lafayette protested 
that it would be a disgrace to allow the British to make 
their way unopposed across New Jersey; that without 
extreme risk they could attack the rear, and take advant- 
age of anything that might occur. Steuben, who had 
again reached the army, concurred in this, and Washing- 
ton decided to follow that policy, which was in accord- 
ance with his own views. 

In order to a full understanding of these and subse- 
quent events it is necessary to diverge a little to glance 
at the career of General Charles Lee, who will occupy 
quite a prominent place in the following pages. He was 



FROM VALLEY FORGE TO MONMOUTH 105 

in no way related to the Virginia Lees, and never became 
an American in the true sense of the word. He was born 
in England in 1731, being the son of Lieutenant Colonel 
John Lee who married the daughter of Sir Henry Bun- 
bury, and afterwards became a general. Through family 
influence he received a commission when only eleven 
years of age, and although his education was not thorough 
he became quite a linguist. When twenty-four years old 
he commanded a company of grenadiers in the 44th 
British infantry, which took part in the French and In- 
dian war along the New York border. He became so 
familiar with Johnson's Mohawk warriors that he was 
adopted into one of the tribes under the name of Boiling 
Water. He was shot through the body while assaulting 
the French breastworks at Ticonderaga, but was present 
in the next campaign at the siege of Fort Niagara, which 
was successful. Afterwards he took a military journey 
across Lake Erie, and down the Allegheny river (then 
called the Ohio) to Fort Pitt, and back seven hundred 
miles across the country to Crown Point. Here he joined 
General Amherst and remained with him until Canada 
was conquered. Two years later as a colonel he served 
under General Burgoyne in Portugal, where he won some 
renown by capturing an old Moorish castle which had 
been occupied by the Spaniards. Being quite as ready 
with pen as with sword he became mixed up in English 
politics, and like Wilkes, was soon out of favor with the 
government. Seeing there was no chance of advance- 
ment at home he concluded to go to Poland, where war 
was anticipated. Stopping to see Frederick the Great en 
route he discussed American affairs with that King, and 
on arriving at Warsaw secured the appointment as aide 
to Stanislaus Augustus, who had been elected King of 
Poland. The latter was not strong enough to engage in 



106 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

war at that time, and at the King's suggestion he accom- 
pained the Polish ambassador to Constantinople, meeting 
with almost as many adventures as the redoubtable Cap- 
tain John Smith. By 1766 he was back in England with 
a letter from the King Stanislaus, favoring his appoint- 
ment to some military duty. But the ministry turned a 
cold shoulder to him, and in 1768 he again left for Poland 
where he expected to get a command in the Russian ser- 
vice, which he evidently did not consider inconsistent 
with his previous relations with Stanislaus, in fact it was 
apparently with the approval of the latter. Writing in 
anticipation of his new position he says : "I am to have 
command of Cossacks and Wallacks, a kind of people I 
have a good opinion of. I am determined not to serve in 
the line. One might as well be a church warden." The 
next year he was given the rank of major general in the 
Russian army, which crossed into Moldavia, where oc- 
curred a battle with the Turks near Chotzim in which 
Lee's Cossacks suffered severely. The conflict was doubt- 
ful, but the threatened approach of another Turkish army 
of 17.000 men caused the Russians to retreat, and the 
campaign was abandoned. After this Lee spent some- 
time traveling over Europe, being afflicted with rheuma- 
tism, gout and ''Hungarian fever," and was mixed up in 
several duels, in one of which he killed his antagonist. 
He continued his attacks in the public press upon the 
British ministry, wielding a caustic pen, and for a while 
he was suspected of being the author of the celebrated 
Junius letters. Coming to America in 1773, he took up 
the cause of the colonies, not because he cared anything 
for the Americans or their principles, but as a means of 
getting even with the then British ministry. His Euro- 
pean adventures, of which we have given only the merest 
outline, naturally gave him considerable prestige, and it 



FROM VALLEY FORGE TO MONMOUTH 107 

was generally considered that he would be a most valua- 
ble acquisition to the patriot cause. The two foci of dis- 
affection were Virginia and Massachusetts. While mat- 
ters in the latter colony were rapidly converging to a dra- 
matic climax, in the former the whole community was 
preparing for the crisis which her statesmen foresaw 
could not much longer be delayed. The natural leader 
and adviser in this condition of affairs was Washington, 
and visitors to Mount Vernon to discuss public affairs 
were both frequent and numerous. Among them were 
Charles Lee and Horatio Gates, both natives of England, 
and the latter the reputed son of a captain in the British 
army, although it has been hinted that his father was an 
English peer. He was a volunteer under General Edward 
Cornwallis. Governor of Halifax, was wounded in the 
Braddock campaign, served in the West Indies, and aft- 
erwards in a troop known as the Royal Americans. He 
desired, however, a better office, but failing to secure it 
he left' London for America in 1772 as deeply soured 
against the British ministry as Lee, with whom his career 
furnishes a very close parallel, although he never went to 
the length of selling out to the English. Gates purchased 
an estate in Berkeley County, Virginia, where Lee also 
came and settled on an adjoining tract. Both of these 
gentlemen having had considerable experience in military 
affairs their visit was no doubt quite welcome to Wash- 
ington, but, as Irving remarks, "It is doubtful whether 
the visits of Lee were as interesting to Mrs. Washington 
as to the general. He was whimsical, eccentric, and at 
times almost rude; negligent also, and slovenly in person 
and attire, for though he had occasionally associated with 
kings and'princes, he had also campaigned with Mohawks 
and Cossacks, and seems to have relished their 'good 
breeding.' What was still more annoying in a well regu- 



108 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

lated mansion, he was always followed by a legion of 
dogs which shared his affections with his horses, and took 
their seats by him when at table. 'I must have some ob- 
ject to embrace,' said he, misanthropically, 'when I can 
be convinced that men are as worthy objects as dogs, I 
shall transfer my benevolence, and become as staunch a 
philanthropists as the canting Addison affected to be.' ' 

What the Americans wanted, however, or thought they 
wanted, were trained soldiers without regard to their so- 
cial qualities, so on the outbreak of the hostilities Lee was 
welcomed to the army at the inflated value which he set 
upon himself. He was made second major general by Con- 
gress, thus placing General Ward the only one between 
him and Washington, and was sent to assist in the siege 
of Boston. Here he chiefly distinguished himself by 
opening correspondence with the British authorities in 
that city, but the Massachusetts Congress promptly re- 
pudiated him as a negotiator. Desiring a separate com- 
mand Washington assigned him to New York, then 
threatened by the British, where he carried matters with 
a high hand. Sir Henry Clinton who with two companies 
of infantry and a few Highlanders had anchored in the 
harbor, moved down the bay, and on January 11th, 1776, 
disappeared. This bloodless victory raised Lee higher 
than ever in public opinion, as well as in his own conceit. 
He wrote to Washington, "When I leave this place the 
provincial Congress will relapse into their hysterics, the 
men of war will return to their wharfs, and the first regi- 
ments from England will take quiet possession of the 
town." 

On March 1st Congress, to the relief of Washington 
who had already discovered him to be both "violent and 
fickle," placed Lee in command of the forces south of the 
Potomac, and on the 7th he left for that section. He 



FROM VALLEY FORGE TO MONMOUTH 109 

went to Charleston, S. C, which was threatened with an 
attack from the sea, where his principal occupation seems 
to have been to ridicule a palmetto fort which Colonel 
Moultrie had erected on Sullivan's island, and advise its 
abandonment. Moultrie, however, held on to the fort, 
and repulsed the British fleet and army with such success 
that the expedition sailed back to New York, not to re- 
turn until more than two years after. Coming north, and 
apapropriating to himself the honors won by Colonel 
Moultrie, a prototype of some of our Civil War generals, 
Lee took part in the retreat from New York, more than 
once disobeying the orders of Washington and thus im- 
periling the safety of the entire army. By the resigna- 
tion of Ward he had become senior major general, and 
by the death or other displacement of Washington he 
would become the general in chief. To this end he culti- 
vated disaffection which was already bordering on trea- 
son. He even wrote letters hinting that he might accom- 
plish something of importance were he made dictator, if 
only for a short time. 

While these movements were going on across New 
Jersey, Lee spent a night at a tavern four miles from 
Moristown. The next morning he wrote a confidential 
letter to Gates, saying, among other things, that "a cer- 
tain great man is most damnably deficient." He had 
barely finished the letter when a party of thirty British 
dragoons surrounded the house, and carried him off 
dressed only in a flannel dressing gown and slippers. He 
was alarmed lest he might be treated as a deserter, having 
been an officer in the British army, fears which his cap- 
tors took no means to allay. Had they only known it 
the capture of Lee was the greatest blessing that could 
have happened to the Americans, and had they been wise 
they would have left him to his fate. But they did not 



110 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

know this, and the occurrence was regarded as one more 
added to the list of disasters. In truth everything looked 
desperate, only Washington retained his poise, until the 
battles of Trenton and Princeton again revived the droop- 
ing spirits of the patriots. In the meantime Lee was con- 
fined a prisoner in New York City Hall, not without 
danger of the halter, in which situation Sir William 
Howe was very willing to place him. He concluded, 
however, to write home for instructions, and was ordered 
to send Lee to England for trial. He was already on 
board ship, when Washington, hearing of these proceed- 
ings notified Lord Howe that he held five Hessian officers 
as hostages for Lee's safety, and no further exchanges 
would be made until he was assured that Lee would be 
treated as prisoner of war. While all this was going on 
a full year passed away and Lee had made up his mind to 
"sell out." His treason, which was not discovered until 
eighty years after, and consequently was unknown to his 
contemporaries and the early historians, was worse than 
th a t of Arnold's because it was without provocation, 
deliberate, selfish and cold blooded. He first induced the 
Howes to believe that he had some influence with Con- 
gress, which might induce that body to consider peace 
proposals on the basis of return to their former allegiance, 
and by permission sent a letter requesting that a commit- 
tee be sent to confer with him. This communication was 
treated with contempt, and Lee's next step was to suggest 
a plan of campaign by which the British might move on 
and capture Philadelphia. He declared that the people of 
Maryland and Pennsylvania were "loyal," and if Howe 
were once in possession of the rebel capital he could dic- 
tate terms to the Americans. To this end he suggested 
that 14,000 men should be ordered to drive Washington 
out of New Jersey, and 4,000 should sail for Chesapeake 



FROM VALLEY FORGE TO .MONMOUTH 111 

bay, and capture Annapolis and Alexandria. The plausi- 
bility of the schem appealed to the Howes, and had they 
been able to carry it out with the rapidity that was in- 
tended Philadelphia would have fallen in June instead of 
the latter part of September, and a sufficient force could 
have been detached up the Hudson to co-operate with 
Burgoyne. But Washington's admirable tactics defeated 
their plan, and although Howe entered the "rebel capi- 
tal" and spent the winter there the victory was in the 
main a barren one, while the failure to relieve Burgoyne 
insured his capture which was followed by the French 
alliance. Of course nothing was known of Lee's treason 
in the American camp, and the British General Prescott 
having been captured Lee's jailors, knowing he would be 
useful to them in the American army while as a prisoner 
he was simply a nuisance, gladly gave him in exchange 
for Prescott after having paid him 1,100 guineas for his 
services. He arrived at Valley Forge in May, and, as we 
have seen, immediately began putting all sorts of obstacles 
in the way of Washington's plan for breaking up Clin- 
ton's army. 

Desiring to get some definite information as to Clin- 
ton's movements Washington now detailed Steuben to 
make a reconnaisance, and the latter on June 25 discov- 
ered that the British were moving toward Monmouth 
Court House (afterwards known as Freehold), and 
Sandy Hook. A dispatch to Brigadier General Scott in- 
timated that the British were on the direct road to Mon- 
mouth Court House, and suggesting that the latter ad- 
vance his corps to Hightstown a neighboring village, sit- 
uated as its name indicated on a rising ground, also mak- 
ing the further suggestion that this information be com- 
municated to the other officers. While Clinton had the 
start of Washington from Philadelphia, yet he had the 



112 GENERAL WILLIAM VOX STEUBEN 

longer journey, and was doubtless hindered by the 
greater quantity of impedimenta, so that he did not reach 
Monmouth Court House (Freehold) until June 27, with 
Steuben close on his heels. On the morning of that day 
the latter encamped a couple of miles to the left of the 
Court House, and at noon sent the following dispatch to 
Washington who was pushing forward with the main 
army three miles in the rear: 

We arrived here this morning, and it being the best position 
we can find to observe the motions of the enemy have remained; 
we have advanced our parties so near as to fire a pistol at their 
horsemen while feeding their horses. They now lay encamped, 
one line on the main road by the court house, and another line 
extended on their left from the head of the column, which is not 
advanced 150 paces beyond the court house, having sent a man 
there to discover; they have some tents pitched, and their 
horses are at pasture, and have not the least appearance of mov- 
ing. When we first arrived here, they had a party of infantry 
posted in a wood on their left and about five hundred paces in 
our front, from which we could discover several detachments to 
go to the adjacent houses, two of which they have burnt, viz.: 
Colonel Henderson's and Mr. Wickoff's. So soon as they move, 
I shall endeavor to discover their route, and immediately ac- 
quaint you. 

Steuben was not without adventures while obtaining 
this information. Once while alone in a field he noticed 
two horsemen coming from a neighboring wood, which 
he knew by their uniform to be British soldiers. He at 
once discharged his pistols, and turning his horse, he 
leaped a fence, and successfully reached camp, losing his 
hat, however, by the way, a feat that was afterwards 
emulated successfully by Sumter in North Carolina. Al- 
though the horsemen yelled to him to stop they did not 
fire at him, for the reason given below. Steuben's two 
aides had approached the British lines nearer than Steu- 
ben, and he supposed they were captured, but while mak- 
ing his report to Washington the aides, one of them, 
Benjamin Walker, put in an appearance. "How is this ?" 



FROM VALLEY FORGE TO MONMOUTH 113 

exclaimed the Baron, ''I thought you were taken prison- 
er?" "O, no," replied Walker, "they were intent on the 
high prize and overlooked us." "Have you brought my 
hat?" was next inquiry. "O no, Baron, we had no time." 
The next evening a prisoner being brought to headquar- 
ters saw the Baron, and said, "I believe, General, I had 
the honor of seeing you yesterday, and thought to get a 
more splendid prize than your hat." "Why did you not 
fire?" said the Baron, to which the other replied, "You 
were recognized by General Knyphausen, and our orders 
were rather to take you, if we could do it without harm- 
ing you." 

The accompanying diagram shows the movement of 
the two armies across the state of New Jersey, the south- 
erly line from Gloucester Point through Haddonfbkl, 
Mt. Holly, Crosswicks, Allentown, Freehold (Mon- 
mouth) and Middletown to Port Monmouth indicating 
Clinton's march, and the northerly one through Hope .veil, 
Hightstown and Englishtown indicating Washington's. 
On the night of the 27th General Knyphausen had passed 
through Monmouth conveying the wagon train. It was 
the right wing of the British army about 6,000 strong, 
and encamped on the Middletown road just beyond the 
Monmouth vill a ge as indicated by figure 1 of the diagram. 
Clinton's left wing numbering some 8,000, stopped be- 
fore entering the village as indicated by figure 2. Lee 
with the American advance was five miles northeast of the 
British line at a point indicated by figure 3, while Wash- 
ington with the main army was at Englishtown, three 
miles behind (figure 4). Now was the time to fight, if 
ever. Clinton's anxiety to avoid a battle was one of the 
best indications of American success, provided the mat- 
ter was properly handled. Although Lee was second in 
command, yet his churlishness, and his refusal to advance 



114 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

on the ground that he would surely be defeated, had in- 
duced Washington to put Lafayette in his place. But on 
the 27th Lee rq^ented his position, and probably with the 
view of being better able to carry out his traitorous de- 
signs petulantly complained of mistreatment, and asked 
to be restored to his command. As he had not yet lost his 
reputation in the country, although Washington had be- 
gun to distrust him, it was decided to give him back his 
place, and the general wrote to Lafayette requesting his 
withdrawal, adding, "my fortune and my honor are in 
your hands ; you are too generous to ruin one or the 
other." Lafayette generously acceded, and Lee was 
placed in charge of the advance. The weather had been 
very warm for several days, interfering somewhat with 
energetic operations, but at noon on the 27th, Washing- 
ton called a general council, with instructions to prepare 
at once for an engagement the next morning. 

We have seen that through Steuben's efforts infor- 
mation was at hand regarding the exact whereabouts of 
the enemy. Details of the plan of attack were left to Lee, 
but when Lafayette, Wayne and Maxwell called on him 
for orders he had none to give, no plan of action was 
formed, nor did he make any preparations even to the ex- 
tent of familiarizing himself with the field ot action. 
That night he was ordered by Washington to detach a 
party of skirmishers to delay the British if they should 
attempt to retreat, but he lay quietly in camp, doing 
nothing. 

At five o'clock on the morning of the 28th Washing- 
ton learned that the British army had begun to move from 
Monmouth towards the coast. He ordered Lee to attack 
at once, and he would be prompt in sustaining him. Lee 
hesitated and moved so slowly that Cornwallis with the 
left winr had nas^ed through Monmouth towards Middle- 



FROM VALLEY FORGE TO MONMOUTH 115 

town when he found himself flanked by the Americans, 
with Lee immediately on the north, Wayne close behind, 
and Lafayette, who had come through Monmouth, threat- 
ening him on the south. Menaced on three sides it seemed 
that Cornwallis was doomed, but Lee would neither make 
the attack himself nor suffer his subordinates to do so. 
Lafayette insisted on attacking but to this Lee replied : 
"You don't know the British soldiers, we cannot stand 
against them." Whereupon Lafayette sent a dispatch to 
Washington that his presence was needed on he field at 
once, and Laurens sent two similar messages. At last 
securing orders, or rather permission, to attack the ene- 
my's left Lafayette started, but before traversing one- 
fourth the distance he received counter orders for his re- 
turn. Wayne also started to make a charge, but received 
orders to make only a feint. The result of all this an 
hour or two were spent in marching and counter-march- 
ing with finally a complete halt, thus giving the British 
ample time to reform their columns to either resist a front 
attack or charge upon the Americans in turn. This nat- 
urally caused some indignant comment, and to an off'cer 
Lee said : "I have orders from Congress and the com- 
mander in chief not to engage." a most palpable false- 
hood. By this time Clinton had gotten his wagon train 
well out of the way protected by Knyphausen, who had 
sent back reinforcements to Cornwallis. It was now 
about 8 o'clock when Clinton turned a force against Lee 
consisting of two regiments of cavalry, with grenadiers, 
guards and Highlanders, a body which should have beer 
repulsed, but to everybody's astonishment Lee directed a 
retreat. No good reason being apparent this argued 
some unknown danger which created a panicky feeling 
among the troops. The order was still good, however, 
with no serious confusion, thanks to training which had 



116 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

been given by Baron Steuben, until Lee directed them 
across a causeway which spanned a marshy ravine. 
Crowded into a narrow space the ranks were thrown into 
disorder and men were falling from heat more than from 
British bullets, until on the westerly side the retreat be- 
came a complete rout. Here they met Washington, at 
the point indicated by figure 7 in the diagram. The latter 
demanded of Lee, "What is the meaning of this?" The 
traitor stammered, "Sir — Sir!" The question was re- 
peated when Lee said "You know the attack was contrary 
to my advice and opinion." Tradition relates that this 
was one of two occasions when the Father of His Coun- 
try was known to swear. Certain it is he used very ener- 
getic language in telling Lee that he should not have 
taken the command unless he intended to fight. Lee still 
protested that he did not think it prudent to bring on a 
general engagement, but was sharply interrupted by 
Washington with, "I expect my orders to be obeyed," 
Lee was ordered to the rear, and Washington set to wor'-- 
at the perilous task of reforming the lines in the face of 
the advancing enemy. 

It was the first time the American troops had to face 
such a problem, and now was demonstrated the value of 
the four months' training given by Baron Steuben. Bi i 
croft says that even Laurens hoped for no more than an 
orderly retreat and Hamilton's thought was to die on the 
spot, while Lee sitting idly on his horse in the rear re- 
marked to bystanders that "the attempt was madness, 
and could not be successful." But, 1c and behold, the dis- 
organized mob in response to orders immediately wheeled 
and formed under fire with as much coolness and preci- 
sion as they could have shown on parade, and while they 
stopped the enemy's progress, Washington rode back and 
brought up the main body of the army. 



FROM VALLEY FORGE TO MONMOUTH 117 

Steuben commanded the left wing, and in his subse- 
quent deposition before the Lee court martial he relates 
some of the incidents of that day. "After reconnoitering," 
he says, "I returned from Monmouth, in order to make 
my report to the commander in chief, whom I found at 
Englishtown. Having seen that the enemy was march- 
ing and doubting of our being able to overtake them, and 
having seen nothing in my way but some militia, which 
followed at some distance, I stopped at a house in English- 
town to take some rest, where I stayed about an hour and 
a half. I afterwards continued my road to meet the com- 
mander in chief. On my way I heard several firings of 
cannon, and made the greatest haste to arrive near the 
general, whom I found on the high ground, beginning to 
form the troops as they arrived. It was there I saw 
General Lee's division retreating in great disorder, fol- 
lowed by the enemy, whose strength I conceived to be 
1,500 men of infantry, and about 150 horse. 

"As I was employed in placing a battery, General 
Lee passed by me, without speaking to one another. About 
a quarter of an hour after, the commander in chief or- 
dered me to stop the retreating troops and form them to- 
ward Englishtown. I sent some officers forward to stop 
the men, and I went there myself, accompanied by Mr. 
Ternant and my aides-de-camp to form them. As I passed 
through Englishtown I found General Lee on horseback 
before a house. He asked me where I was going. I ac- 
quainted him with my orders, upon which he said to me 
that he was very glad of my having taken that charge 
upon me for he was tired out. I assembled part of Gen- 
eral Maxwell's brigade and part of General Scott's de- 
tachment, which I formed behind the creek of English- 
town. General Maxwell was himself there. Scarce had 
the troops taken their position, when General Patterson 



118 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

arrived with three brigades of the second line and de- 
sired to know where he was to be stationed. I placed his 
three brigades a little more in the rear on a high ground, 
and I established a battery on the right wing, in front of 
the second brigade of General Smallwood. The cannon- 
ade continued more or less briskly till past five o'clock. 
Half an hour after it had cleared. Colonel Gemat arrived 
and brought me an order from the commander in chief 
that the enemy was retreating in confusion, and that I 
should, therefore, bring him a reinforcement. I ordered 
General Maxwell to take the command of the troops I 
had placed behind the creek, and to remain there till fur- 
ther orders. I then marched off with the three brigades 
of the second line. As I passed through Englishtown I 
again met General Lee, who asked me where I was going. 
I imparted him the order I had received from the general 
in chief, which I declared in the very expressions of Col- 
onel Gemat, that the enemy was retreating with confu- 
sion. Upon the word 'Confusion,' he took me up and 
said, 'that they were only resting themselves, but' said 
he afterward. 'I am sure there is some misunderstanding 
in your being sent to advance with these troops.' I told 
him that I had received the order from Mr. Gemat. I 
ordered, however, General Muhlenberg to halt, and sent 
for Captain Walker, my aide-de-camp, who repeated, in 
the presence of General Lee, the order which Colonel Ge- 
mat had brought me. 'Then,' said he, 'You are to march,' 
and I went on with the troops." 

The British were now driven back across the ravine 
over which Lee had retreated, the principal action being 
at figure 5 indicated in the diagram, with an American 
battery at figure 6 playing at their right. Darkness check- 
ed the pursuit, and the Americans lay on their arms all 
night, expecting to renew the conflict in the morning. But 




MONMOUTH RATTLK GROUND. 

View from Wayne's position when Monckton fell. Old 
parsonage on left occupied during battle by Freeman. 
Beyond the house right and left was the morass, with 
elevations in the distance where Washington's army was 
drawn up. The British grenadiers were on the elevation 
on the extreme right, and two figures in the open field show where Mocckton fell. 




STEUBEN'S HEADQUARTERS AT MIDDLEBROOKE. 
Wings have since been added. 



FROM VALLEY FORGE TO MONMOUTH 119 

at midnight Clinton withdrew his troops leaving his dead 
unburied, his wounded, in the hands of the Americans, 
and hurriedly retreated to Middletown where his two 
wings were again united. 

On the American side there were 3G2 killed and 
wounded, and on the British, over 400, while over 2,000 
deserted before and after the battle. 

While the treachery of Lee prevented what might 
have proved the practical annihilation of Clinton's army, 
yet the fruits of the battle were decidedly with the Ameri- 
cans. It demonstrated their ability to withstand the 
trained levies of Europe, and once more confined the 
British to the occupancy of New York and a post on 
Rhode Island. Had the French fleet come up to expecta- 
tions Clinton's army might still have been captured and 
the war ended then and there. But Count d'Estaing did 
not arrive at the mouth of the Delaware until July 8, too 
late to intercept Lord Howe's vessels, and two of the 
largest ships could not get over the bar at New York, so 
an expedition to Newport was planned, which turned out 
a failure. 

On receiving British reports Frederick the Great ex- 
claimed : "Clinton gained no advantage except to reach 
New York with the wreck of his army. America is 
probably lost to England." Alexander Hamilton after- 
wards remarked that he had never known or conceived 
the value of military discipline till that day, and this with 
numerous other expressions which might be quoted, testi- 
fied to the skill and thoroughness with which the Baron 
had done his work. 

The battle was over, and Lee's traitorous project had 
cignally failed. With characteristic impudence, however, 
the next day he wrote a letter to Washington demanding 
an apology for the language used by the general on the 



120 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

battlefield. Washington replied that what he had said 
was dictated by duty and warranted by the occasion, and 
adding that as soon as possible Lee should have the op- 
portunity of justifying himself to the army, to Congress, 
to America and to the world in general, or of convincing 
them that he was guilty of a breach of orders and of mis- 
behavior before the enemy, in not attacking them as he 
had been directed, and in making an unnecessary, dis- 
orderly and shameful retreat. To this Lee answered, 
"You cannot afford me greater pleasure than in giving 
me the opportunity of showing to America the sufficiency 
of her respective servants. I trust that temporary power 
of office and the tinsel dignity attending it will not be able, 
by all the mists they can raise, to obfuscate the bright rays 
of truth." 

It has long been said that whom the gods would de- 
story they first made mad, and in Lee's case he had been 
so flattered and cajoled that he had no doubt brought 
himself to the belief that in such a controversy with 
Washington he would come out ahead. Lee was at once 
placed under arrest and a court martial convened, which, 
after a month's investigation found him guilty of disobe- 
dience of orders in not attacking the enemy, misbehavior 
on the field in making an unnecessary and shameful re- 
treat, and gross disrespect to the commander in chief. 
His sentence, which in any European army at that time 
would have been death, was toned down to the exceeding- 
ly mild punishment of suspension for one year. This was 
no doubt due to the belief that he had simply lost his 
judgment through excitement. Had the commission 
known that his pockets were still distended with British 
gold in payment for his treason he would, of course, have 
not gotten off so easily. 



FROM VALLEY FORGE TO MONMOUTH 121 

We have noticed that Steuben was one of the wit- 
nesses before the court martial which was the cause of 
some caustic comments by Lee, that gentleman not having 
yet learned by experience the art of holding his tongue. 
This roused Steuben's ire to such an extent that he sent 
Lee the following note dated Philadelphia, December 2, 
1778: 

It has been reported to me. sir, that in your defense you 
have allowed yourself to cast indecent reflections on my ac- 
count. I made haste to arrive at Philadelphia to inquire into the 
matter, and I find the report confirmed by the journal of the 
court martial, of which I got possession an hour ago. and where 
I read the following paragraph, "Of all the very distant specta- 
tors &c." were I now in my own country where my reputation 
is long established, I should have put myself above your epi- 
grams and would have despised them. But here I am a stranger. 
You have offended me. I desire you will give me satisfaction. 
You will chose the place, time and arms, but as I do not like 
to be a distant or slow spectator, I desire to see you as near 
and as soon as possible. You will explain to Captain Walker, 
who will deliver this to you, if your present situation will per- 
mit you to bring this affair to as quick a conclusion as I wish it. 

Lee evidently did not want a duel for he replied to 
the Baron's epistle : 

I believe you have misunderstood the sense of this article 
of my defense. Very likely the sentence, "very distant specta- 
tors" has appeared to you a reflection cast upon your courage. 
If such be your opinion, I assure you that I had not the least 
idea of it. I am ready to acknowledge it to all the gentlemen of 
your acquaintance, to all the world if you will. It is true that 
I found fault with your forwardness (as I took it to be) to wit- 
ness against me. I was piqued and thought myself justified in 
making use of the phrase which you have seen in print, but I 
repeat it without the least intention of intimating a reflection on 
your courage. 

Steuben accepted the apology or whatever it might 
be called, apparently with approval of Hamilton, who, 
December 19, writes him from Washington's headquar- 
ters: 



122 GENERAL WILLIAM VOX STEUBEN 

I have read your letter to Lee with pleasure. It was con- 
ceived in terms which the offense merited, and if he had any 
feeling, must have been felt by him. Considering the pointed- 
ness and severity of ) r our expressions, his answer was a very 
modest one, and proved that he had not a violent appetite for 
so close a tete-a-tete as you seem disposed to insist upon. This 
evasion, if known to the world, would do him very little honor. 

With the closing of this incident Lee and his charac- 
ter might be safely dropped, but a brief reference to his 
subsequent career may not be without interest. He de- 
fended himself very plausibly before Congress, which, 
after a consideration of three months affirmed on Decem- 
ber 5, the decision of the court martial by a vote of 15 to 
7, the word "shameful" having been stricken out of the 
finding. Lee continued to carry on his campaign against 
Washington through the press, and became so vitupera- 
tive that Colonel Laurens, one of Washington's aides, 
challenged him, and in the subsequent duel Lee was 
wounded in the side. In the spring of 1779 he retired to 
his Virginia estate as he declared, "to learn to hoe tobac- 
co, which is the best school to consummate a general. This 
is a discovery I have lately made." Here with his dogs 
and horse he lived a kind of hermit life, in a shell of a 
house, the different apartments of which were indicated 
by chalk lines on the floor. Towards the termination of 
his suspension he heard that Congress proposed to drop 
him from the service on the ground of economy, where- 
upon he wrote an insolent letter to the President of that 
body which resulted in his summary dismissal. His es- 
tate running down through mismanagement he visited 
Philadelphia while negotiating its sale. There he was 
taken down with fever, and died in an obscure inn. One 
clause of his will read : "I desire most earnestly that I 
may not be buried in any church or churchyard, or within 
a mile of any Presbyterian or any Baptist meeting house, 
for, since I have resided in this country, I have kept so 






FROM VALLEY FORGE TO MONMOUTH 123 

much bad company while living that I do not choose to 
continue it when I am dead." 

Probably because his will was not opened until after 
the funeral, this injunction was not carried out, and Lee 
was buried with military honors in the yard of Christ 
Church, Philadelphia, his funeral being largely attended 
by citizens and prominent men. He had the faculty of 
making warm friends who, like those attached to Mc- 
Clellan in the Civil War, held to him through evil as well 
as good report, and Washington Irving gives him credit 
for many good traits, but none of these knew of the con- 
vincing proof of treason afterwards disclosed in the ar- 
chives of a British manor house. 



CHAPTER VIII. 



REMODELING THE ARMY. 



Steuben's Dissatisfaction — Desires a Position in the Line — New- 
Code of Army Regulations — Printing Difficulties. 

Clinton having reached New York with his beaten 
army there was nothing further to do in New Jersey, so 
Washington marched almost directly north along the west 
bank of the Hudson, which he crossed at King's Ferry, 
and encamped at White Plains about thirty miles north- 
east of New York, the relative positions of the two armies 
being much the same as in the latter part of 1776. Cer- 
tainly the British had not made much progress, and had 
Washington been backed by a strong government which 
could have utilized the resources of the country the end 
must have come soon, notwithstanding the British still 
had control of the sea. Newport was abandoned that fall, 
and Clinton and Washington sat watching each other, 
neither strong enough to capture or oust the other. In 
the march from Monmouth to White Plains, where they 
arrived July 2, owing to the absence of American officers 
at the Lee court martial elsewhere, Steuben was appointed 
to command Lee's division, a work which he performed 
with credit. On the 22nd however, Washington issued 
a general order incorporating this division in his own com- 
mand, and directed Steuben to resume his office of in- 
spector general. The latter was not unnaturally dissat- 
isfied with this. He had been performing the office of 
drillmaster for several months and the value of his work 
had been conceded. Moreover he had demonstrated his 
capacity to command, both in battle and on the march. 
He was deeply interested in the cause of American inde- 



REMODELING THE ARMY 125 

pendence, for which he had made serious sacrifices. Be- 
sides even the office of inspector, which he was now asked 
to resume, had only been placed on a temporary basis, 
and there was considerable doubt as to how far his 
jurisdiction extended. He went forthwith to Washing- 
ton, and objected to this arrangment, and intimated a 
few days later, if not then, that he would feel compelled to 
resign if not given a command where he would be in 
active service. Washington regretted this situation, but 
said if he complied with the Baron's wishes every brig- 
adier in the army would throw up his command, that 
during the march from Monmouth De Kalb, Lafayette 
and Steuben, all foreigners had commanded the army 
and that eight brigadiers had declared that in making 
Steuben inspector Congress had only intended to give him 
the nominal rank of major general, and that they did not 
propose to have him advanced over their heads. There 
was also another thorn in the Baron's side. One Colonel 
De la Neuville who had been inspector in Gates's army 
refused to acknowledge Steuben's authority, and thus the 
very work which the latter had been appointed to do was 
thrown into confusion. Even if the Baron should waive 
his claim to a command, which he appears after consider- 
ation to have been willing to do, it was apparent that mat- 
ters could not continue on their present footing, so he 
asked leave of absence to present the matter before Con- 
gress, which had now resumed its sittings at Philadelphia. 
This was granted, and the following resume of the situa- 
tion was sent by Washington to President Laurens : 

Baron Steuben will also be in Philadelphia in a day or two. 
The ostensible cause for his going, is to fix more certainly with 
Congress his duties as inspector general, which is necessary. 
However. I am disposed to believe that the real one is to ob- 
tain an actual command in the line as a major general, and he 
may urge a competition set up by Monsieur Neuville for the 
inspector's place this side of the Hudson, and the denial by him 



126 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 



of the Baron's authority, as an argument to effect it. and for 
granting him the post as a means of satisfying both. I regard 
and esteem the Baron as an assiduous, intelligent and expe- 
rienced officer, but you may rely upon it, if such is his view, 
and he should accomplish it, we shall have the whole line of 
brigadiers in confusion. They have said but little about his 
rank as major general as he has not had an actual command 
over them; but when we marched from Brunswick, as there 
were but few major generals, and almost the whole of the 
brigadiers were engaged at the court martial, either as members 
or witnesses, I appointed him pro tempore, and so expressed 
it in orders, to conduct a wing to the North river. This meas- 
ure, though founded in evident necessity and not designated to 
produce to the brigadiers the least possible injury, excited 
great uneasiness and has been the source of complaint. The 
truth is we have been very unhappy in a variety of appoint- 
ments, and our own officers much injured. Their feelings from 
this cause have become extremely sensitive, and the most deli- 
cate touch gives them pain. I write as a friend, and therefore 
with freedom. The Baron's services in the line he occupies can 
be important, and the testimonials he has already received are 
honorable. It will also be material to have the point of inspec- 
tor generalship, now in question between him and Monsieur 
Neuville, adjusted. The appointment of the latter, it is said, 
calls him inspector general in the army commanded by General 
Gates, and under this, as I am informed, he denies any subor- 
dination to the Baron, and will not know him in his "official 
capacity." There can be but one head. 

On July 26, Washington wrote another letter to the 
President of Congress to be delivered by the Baron him- 
self, in which, after again rehearsing the facts previously 
related, he adds : 

Justice concurring with inclination constrains me to testify 
that the Baron has. in every instance, discharged the several 
trusts reposed in him with great zeal and ability, so as to give 
him the fullest title to my esteem as a brave, indefatigable, ju- 
dicious and experienced officer. I regret there should be a 
necessity that his services should be lost to the army; at the 
same time T think it my duty explicitly to observe to Congress 
that his desire of having an actual and permanent command in 
the line cannot be complied with without wounding the feelings 
of a number of officers whose rank and merits give them every 
claim to attention, and that the doing of it would be productive 
of much dissatisfaction and extensive ill consequences. This 
does not proceed from any personal objections on the part of 
those officers against the Baron; on the contrary most of them 
whom I heard speak of him, express a high sense of his military 



REMODELING THE ARMY 127 

worth. It proceeds from motives of another nature, which are 
too obvious to need particular explanation, or may be summed 
up in this, that they conceive such a step would be injurious to 
their essential rights and just expectations. That this would 
be their way of thinking upon the subject I am fully convincd, 
from the effect which the temporary command given him, even 
under circumstances so peculiar as I have mentioned, produced. 
The strongest symptoms of discontent appeared on that occa- 
sion. 

The matter was reviewed by Alexander Hamilton in 
a letter to Elias Boudinot, member of Congress from New 
Jersey, of the same date as that above, in which he ex- 
pressed the highest opinion of Steuben's military qualifi- 
cations, and expressed the hope that some arrangement 
could be made by which he could be retained in the army. 
Among other suggestions he says : "Perhaps the princi- 
ples on which the general's arrangement is formed may 
be preserved, and at the same time the objects of the in- 
spectorship enlarged so as to render it a more important 
employment. Perhaps a resolution of Congress giving 
the Baron a right to be employed on detachments might, 
for the present, compensate for the want of a permanent 
command in the line, and might not be disagreeable to the 
officers. You can sound him on these heads. I need not 
caution you that this is a matter of great delicacy and 
importance, and that every step taken in it ought to be 
well considered." 

It will be plainly seen from the above that Washington, 
Hamilton and all who had control of affairs at the front 
were anxious to retain Steuben in the army upon such 
terms as they could grant and he could honorably accept. 
It is true that Washington in a letter to Governeur Mor- 
ris, discussing this very matter, gives expression to the 
wish that they had not a single foreigner among them 
except Lafayette, but this momentary expression of irri- 
tation, doubtless excited by the claims and pretensions of 



128 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

some of the adventurers before mentioned, is not to be 
weighed against the constant tribute to the Baron's ef- 
ficiency which he always paid, and the warm friendship 
which always existed between the two until severed by 
death. Neither should it be taken as a reflection on De 
Kalb, Pulaski, Kosciuszko and some others who braved 
perils even to death in the patriotic cause. 

However fervent may have been the desire of Baron 
Steuben for a major general's command in active service 
it soon became apparent to him that this was out of the 
question, at least for the present, so, on his arrival at 
Philadelphia he accepted the situation, and devoted his 
energies towards securing the settlement of the inspector- 
ship on a satisfactory basis. Neuville's position was the 
first obstacle in the way, but on August 2, 1778, Govern- 
eur Morris wrote to Washington that though the faith of 
Congress was, in some measure, plighted to Neuville it 
was not their intention that his brevet should give com- 
mand, and this he proposed to have expressed by a par- 
ticular resolution. As to the claims of the Baron for a 
command in the line he was satisfied that Congress 
would not grant it. 

As predicted by Morris Congress promptly decided 
in favor of Steuben as ranking officer, at which Neuville 
resigned and returned to France. Congress then ap- 
pointed a committee consisting of Messrs. Boudinot and 
Chase and General Reed to receive proposals from the 
Baron, who on August 7 presented a memorial covering 
the whole matter in detail. This with regulations subse- 
quently adopted will be found quite fully reported in Mr. 
Kapp's work, but an outline is probably as much as will 
interest our present readers. After referring to the ab- 
solute necesisty of uniformity in the army and to the ac- 
knowledged fact that the commander in chief has it not 



REMODELING THE ARMY 129 

in his power to attend in so particular a manner to the 
details of the different departments he suggests that the 
office of inspector general should be confided to some in- 
telligent general officer, well versed in the theory and 
practice of maneuvering troops, the composition and for- 
mation of the different corps of an army, the customs of 
different armies, the necessary equipment of the troops, 
all which should come under his notice. Uniformity in 
supplies, discipline and camp duties was especially urged. 
The inspector should be under the immediate control of 
the Congressional board of war, also subject to the com- 
mander in chief. No foreigner should be intrusted with 
this charge, but if Congress thought otherwise a Conti- 
nental brigadier (native) should be associated in the 
work with the view of himself one day becoming inspec- 
tor general. Sub-inspectors should be appointed from 
the army, but no one to inspect his own regiment. The 
exercise and maneuvering of the troops should always be 
under the direction of the inspector general, and there 
are many suggestions under this head. The practice of 
European armies was cited and comparisons made of the 
difference in conditions on each side of the Atlantic. The 
report was most able and exhaustive in every respect, 
but, like may other public memorials it was destined for 
some time to get no farther than the hands of the com- 
mittee. 

On the evening of August 28 intelligence of the fail- 
ure of the French fleet and General Sullivan to capture 
Newport, reached Philadelphia, and Congress adopted a 
resolution requesting Steuben to forthwith repair to 
Rhode Island, and give his advice and assistance to Major 
General Sullivan and the army under his command. 
Whether Congress had such a high opinion of Steuben's 
military abilities that it believed that his presence 



130 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

at Newport would aid in extricating Sullivan from 
a precarious situation (provided he arrived in 
time) or whether it was a polite method of 
temporarily shelving the inspector problem the re- 
sult was the same. Steuben left Philadelphia the next 
morning and reached Washington's camp at White Plains 
on the 81st, where he learned that Sullivan's retreat to 
Providence had been safely effected. There then being no 
object in going to New England Steuben, at Wash- 
ington's request, remained at White Plains until late in 
September, when the army moved northward, finally 
going into winter quarters in the highlands. During this 
period the Baron continued exercising and drilling the 
troops as nearly as possible according to the methods pre- 
scribed in his memorial, relying on Washington's com- 
mands for his authority. On September 17, President 
Laurens wrote to Steuben expressing his gratification that 
the latter had not proceeded to Rhode Island, as it would 
have been a disagreeable embassy, and adding that the 
committee would soon report on the inspectorship but 
that Congress was so overcharged with business as to 
render it impossible to guess when it would be taken un- 
der consideration, and concluded. 

Richard Peters, of the War Board, also wrote: 

I hope to hear of your being more agreeably circumstanced 
than formerly as to your business at camp. Tt is an obvious 
matter that our army are in want of discipline, although their 
improvements in this respect are amazing, and as our men are 
docile and caapble. it is a pity that any obstacles should be 
thrown in the way of their receiving instructions. While you 
are here. T would wish to make every use of your willingness 
to serve this country, therefore. T wish to see the inspection in 
its full vigor, for the greater our discipline, the sooner we shall 
discomfit our enemies and be at peace, which to me ' s the most 
desirable of all objects, except my liberty and the independence 
of my country. When you have ceased to be serviceable as a 
soldier, you shall sit down with us and enjoy the pleasing calm 



REMODELING THE ARMY 131 

which will succeed the present tempest. Apropos, we will and 
must take possession of the Bermudas and you shall be gov- 
ernor. 

It will be observed that the American cause did not 
lack optimists even under discouraging circumstances. 

Steuben, at this time also received a letter from Lieu- 
tenant Colonel Ternant who had been appointer inspector 
of the Southern troops, and was now in Philadelphia, 
which encouraged the belief that the plan would soon be 
adopted. But Congress dallied day after day, and finally 
recommitted the whole question to a committee. Steuben 
wrote to Joseph Reed, chairman of the committee, urging 
action and suggesting that he might hasten matters by 
appearing before them in person, but "as experience 
teaches me that offered services do not always prove ac- 
ceptable, I shall wait with respectful silence for the orders 
of Congress, which are to regulate all my actions." How- 
ever, when winter came Steuben went to Philadelphia 
mainly to arrange and put in order a code of military 
regulations to introduce a thorough uniformity in the 
service. He pressed upon Congress the necessity of early 
action, and in a letter to the President he declares him- 
self ready to make any sacrifice to carry out the wishes of 
those in control, with a few side remarks concerning his 
envious critics. He also wrote to Washington on De- 
cember 6, in a somewhat discouraging mood, saying: 

On my arrival in the city I delivered your Excellency's let- 
ter to Mr. President Laurens, accompanied by one from , 

acquainting Congress in what manner I intended to proceed to 
business. I afterwards, in another letter, requested to know to 
whom I was to apply for the necessary information on the sub- 
ject. To these letters I have had no other reply than a resolve, 
directing the board of war to furnish me with every informa- 
tion I may want on the subject. I have not hitherto been able 
to get a sight of the plan proposed by a former committee, and 
to which your excellency subjoined your remarks, nor can I 
get the least information in whose hands that plan is. All I can 



132 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

learn from Mr. President Reed, who presided in that commit- 
tee, is, that that plan, though founded on the one I proposed, 
differed from it materially, and that the authority of the inspec- 
tor general was therein much more extended than I proposed, 
and when I can procure the other I shall see wherein we have 
differed. However, it may be, I repeat that I shall, without 
the least deviation, conform to any remarks your Kxcellency 
has been pleased to make. I shall endeavor to convince Your 
Excellency and the whole army, that nothing but the good of 
the service, and not any personal views, shall direct my actions. 
The American soldier under my orders is, at the same time, a 
member of the republic I serve. If every officer and soldier 
would consider me in the same light, it seems to me many ob- 
stacles would be avoided. With respect to your Excellency, I 
again beg you to consider me as an instrument in your hands 
for the good of the army which has the honor to serve under 
your orders. 

Washington replied thanking the Baron for his as- 
surances of loyalty, and promising his cordial support to- 
wards carrying out any plan that might he agreed upon 
both out of personal considerations and for the benefit 
and improvement of the army. Hamilton wrote in the 
same vein, but the inertia of Congress was too great to 
be immediately overcome. 

It was February 18, 1779 when the report of the 
committee appointed to confer with Washington was 
taken up, and a resolution adopted, providing that there 
should be an inspector general of the armies of the United 
States with the rank of major general, who in all future 
appointments should be taken from the line of major 
generals. The duties of inspector and his assistants were 
to be as has already been indicated, and he was allowed 
eighty-four dollars per month for extraordinary expenses 
in addition to the pay and rations of a major general. On 
March 29th a letter was read from Steuben accompanied 
by a system of regulations for the infantry together with 
a communication from the war board stating that the 
Baron's plans had been submitted to that body and also 



REMODELING THE ARMY 133 

to the commander in chief and had received their ap- 
proval, and asking the sanction of Congress, which was 
given, and thus after a loss of much valuable time it 
looked as though something permanent was to be ac- 
complished. 

The arrangement now made by Congress involved 
the preparation of a complete book of regulations for the 
army. Steuben did not wait for its authorization before 
beginning this work, but, anticipating the result, and 
realizing that it would be a labor of weeks if not of 
months to prepare this code, began work on it soon after 
he arrived in Philadelphia, and spent most of his time on 
it during the winter. He associated with himself in this 
work Colonel Fleury, Captains Walker and De l'Enfant, 
and M. Duponceau, his secretary. His original scheme 
included four divisions ; first, the service of infantry in 
the field ; second, in garrison and on parade ; third, caval- 
ry; fourth, light troops. The first and third parts were 
completed during the winter, the others were never fin- 
ished, and the cavalry division was not printed. The first 
part consisted of twenty-five chapters, of which a full 
summary may be found in Mr. Kapp's book, but as the 
details are of greater interest to military tacticians than 
to the general reader we give only the headings of the 
chapters as indicating the scope of the work. The book 
was entitled, "Regulations for the Order and Discipline 
of the Troops of the United States," divided as follows : 
Chapter fi: st, arms and accoutrements ; second, necessity 
of officers being acquainted with the manual and answer- 
able for the general instruction of the regiment; third, 
company formation ; fourth, regimental formation ; fifth, 
instruction of recruits ; sixth, company exercises ; seventh, 
battalion exercises ; eighth, points of view ; ninth, forma- 
tion and display of columns ; tenth, march of columns ; 



134 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

eleventh, march in line; twelfth, disposition of field pieces 
attached to brigades; thirteenth, firings; fourteenth, 
march of an army or corps ; fifteenth, baggage on the 
march ; sixteenth, laying out a camp with order of en- 
campment ; seventeenth, manner of entering camp : eight- 
eenth, regulations for preserving order and cleanliness ; 
nineteenth, roll calls ; twentieth, general inspection ; twen- 
ty-first, drum beats; twenty-second, guard service; twen- 
ty-third, arms and ammunition and their preservation; 
twenty-fourth, treatment of the sick ; twenty-fifth, re- 
views. 

In addition there were detailed instructions for the 
general conduct of the officers and privates. The hu- 
manitarian spirit of these instructions, which were some- 
what advanced for that period, is indicated by the follow- 
ing: 

A captain cannot be too careful of the company the State 
has committed to his charge. He must pay the greatest atten- 
tion to the health of his men, their discipline, arms, accoutre- 
ments, ammunition, clothes and necessaries. His first object 
should be to gain the love of his men by treating them with 
every possible kindness and humanity, inquiring into their com- 
plaints, and, when well founded, seeing them redressed. He 
should know every man of his company by name and character. 
He should often visit those who are sick, speak tenderly to them, 
see that the public provision, whether of medicine or diet, is 
duly administered, and procure them, besides, such comforts 
and conveniences as are in his power. The attachment that 
arises from this kind of attention to the sick and wounded, is 
almost inconceivable; it will, moreover, be the means of preserv- 
ing the lives of many valuable men. 

There is much more to the same effect, which con- 
clusively proves that though the Baron was a strict dis- 
ciplinarian, he was not a mere martinet. Concerning the 
difficulties of the project Kapp says : "Seldom was a 
work composed in such a manner as this. Every chapter 
was first roughly written in German, then translated into 



REMODELING THE ARMY 135 

bad French, then put in good French by Fleury, trans- 
lated again into bad English by Duponceau, afterwards 
written in good English by Captain Walker, and when all 
this was completed, Steuben did not understand a word 
of it himself, from his ignorance of the English lan- 
guage." Notwithstanding our respect and admiration 
for Mr. Kapp's careful researches we are inclined to 
question ihe accuracy of this last statement. Baron 
Steuben had now been in the country about sixteen 
months. During that period he was constantly in asso- 
ciation with men who spoke only English, was compelled 
to give orders to troops who knew no other language, 
and in various ways came in close contact with it almost 
every hour of the twenty-four, except the limited period 
allotted to sleep. He was well educated and was already 
proficient in French as well as his native German. It is 
not possible that he had learned to speak English fluently 
during the time he had been in America, in fact he never 
did so, but it is in the highest degree improbable that in 
all that time he had not learned to understand a word of 
this language. The truth doubtless lies between these 
two extren.es. The Baron was not able to write out his 
book in English in the first place, but when translated by 
his assistants there is no reason to suppose that he was 
unable to read it. or to understand substantially what it 
meant. 

His labors were greatly increased by the dearth of 
military publications in America, so he had to depend 
mostly on his recollections of the Prussian Code, and the 
lack of familiarity of his translators with the military 
terms of that code greatly increased the difficulty. On 
completion of the work it was sent to Washington for 
examination, who gave it his hearty approval with the 
comment : "As the fine season is advancing you will, I 



136 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

flatter myself, shortly have the satisfaction, so rarely en- 
joyed by authors, of seeing your precepts reduced to prac- 
tice, and I hope your success will be equal to the merits cf 
your work." Steuben in reply said : 

The engraving of the plates and correcting the press, will, 
I am afraid, detain me till the middle of April, and, as before 
that time the season will permit the troops to exercise. I think 
it would be necessary they should be exercised in detail on the 
principles laid down. If Your Excellency approves it, I will 
send Colonel Fleury, who has assisted me in composing the 
regulations to receive your orders on the subject. * * * I 
shall have the honor to forward to your Excellency a model of 
the several tools mentioned in the regulations, and which I 
think are necessary, if circumstances will allow me to procure 
them. 

Congress ordered 3,000 copies of the work printed, 
but the tr bibles were not yet over. Mr North says : "To 
sketch, re-sketch the plates, and fit them for the engraver 
— the engraver, the paper, the types and printer, with dif- 
ficulty to be found. None but those who lived in those 
dark days of poverty and dearth of everything, can think 
a thousandth part of all the penury with which we were 
surrounded. The Blue Book has at last appeared and 
>\as studied, and, except the Bible, was held in the high- 
est estimation." 

In the face of these difficulties the book was not 
ready for distribution until June, causing the Baron, who 
never seems to have been celebrated for his patience, to 
become more than restive. As illustrative of their dif- 
ficulties Timothy Pickering on June 19, writes to 
Steuben : 

We expected to send you more copies of the regulations, 
of which the bookbinder gave us encouragement, but his work- 
men failed him. It is not so easy to get work executed in 
America as in Europe. Here, under the present scarcity of 
hands, you can place no dependence on your workmen — to-day 
they are with you, and to-morrow on board of a privateer, with 
hopes of making their fortunes. I have, indeed, had much trou- 



Remodeling the Army 137 

ble with the Regulations, but I went through it with pleasure., 
because I judged they would prove highly useful to my country. 
* * * Should I again discover marks of extreme impa- 
tience, and even asperity, in the inspector general, I will impute 
them to his anxiety to introduce a perfect order and discipline 
in the army, and to his zeal in securing the safety and indepen- 
dence of America. 

Peter* writes to the same effect, and after a some- 
what jocular introduction concerning the Baron's impa- 
tience, adds seriously: 

We should violate our private feelings if we personally dis- 
regarded you, and we should, in my opinion, our public trust, 
did we not by every means in our power, assist you in the im- 
portant business of your department. Real embarrassments 
have occasioned our not complying with our. as well as your, 
wishes, and however trifling the rubs thrown in our way may 
seem to one used to countries full of needy artificers, and stored 
with materials for work, yet to us they are not unimportant, or, 
what is worse, uncommon. These difficulties will continue dur- 
ing our present war, and as we cannot conquer we must en- 
deavor to bear them. 

There is considerably more along the same line, 
mixed with mild reproof, which the Baron doubtless took 
in good part. As an illustration of the minor difficulties 
of the occasion it is related that two copies of the Regula- 
tions which the Baron had ordered handsomely bound 
for Washington and the French minister could not be 
completed, because the bookbinder, (there seems to have 
been but one in Philadelphia) after searching through the 
entire city, was not able to procure any gold leaf for gild- 
ing. 

Congress, on April 5, passed a resolution to the ef- 
fect that Baron Steuben, inspector general, be informed by 
the President that Congress entertain a high sense of his 
merit, displayed in a variety of instances, but especially 
in the system of military order and discipline formed and 
presented by him to Congress. 

Similar testimonials were offered by officials of the 



138 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

different states to whom copies of the work were sent, 
each one testifying that the manual not only filled a want 
that was severely felt, but was invaluable in the existing 
condition of affairs. Copies of the work sent to Europe 
also elicited high praise from competent experts. 

Congress, at Steuben's request, appropriated a thou- 
sand dollars for Colonel Fleury, eight hundred for Wal- 
ker, six hundred for De l'Enfant, and four hundred for 
Duponceau. We may appropriately conclude this branch 
of our subject by the following account of an occurrence 
as related by the Baron himself : 

"Although the Board of War was only composed of 
Peters and Pickering, there was always a member of 
Congress who took part in their deliberations. At this 
time it was Mr. Root, of Connecticut, who filled this of- 
fice. I came one day to the war office, probably at the 
time they were deliberating how they should reimburse 
me for the expense I had been at while employed prepar- 
ing my work. Mr. Root asked me how many copies had 
been printed. I said, three thousand. 'How many,' he 
replied, 'Shall you require for the officers of the army?' 
'About eighteen hundred,' was my answer. 'There will, 
therefore be about twelve hundred left over,' said Mr. 
Root, 'the book will sell well.' He then made a calcula- 
tion in an undertone, and resumed, 'But you could sell 
the remaining copies, and that would pay your expenses 
while in town.' If I had not remarked that Mr. Peters 
bent his head and blushed at hearing this proposal, I 
should certainly have told them my mind in pretty strong 
language. For a long time I did not utter a word ; at last 
I rose and said to Mr. Root that I was the more astounded 
at his proposition as I had not asked for any reimburse- 
ment of my expenses out of the public money." 



CHAPTER IX. 

CAMPAIGN OF 1779. 

Steuben Reviews the Situation — Barbarous Raids — Value of the 
Bayonet Demonstrated at the Capture of Stony Point- 
Visit of the French Ambassador— Suggestions For the 
Future. 

Toward the close of 1778 we find Clinton still hold- 
ing New York and Newport, and/ although the rest of the 
county was measurably free yet there were no signs that 
England intended relaxing her grip. Her command of 
the sea continued to paralyze foreign trade, which reacted 
disastrously on domestic interests. Washington with a 
totally inadequate force was trying to hold the back 
country, and the prospect, to say the best, was not en- 
couraging At this time Steuben in a letter to James 
Lowell, Chairman of the Congressional Committee on 
Foreign Affairs, gave the following succinct review of the 
situation : 

We have fortunately escaped a serious danger at Rhode 
Island. The enemy cannot boast of having gained the least ad- 
vantage over the allied fleet, or over our army. A change in the 
wind has favored him and caused the failure of our plan. As it 
is but fair to render justice even to our enemies, we ought to 
admit that the English and the wind have made us miss two 
highly important strokes — that on the Delaware because the 
French fleet did not arrive a little earlier, and that on Rhode 
Island. If. when I made war under the King of Prussia, we had 
escaped two such strokes in one campaign, we should have 
called that a successful campaign. Here we are now on the de- 
fensive, a species of warfare extremely difficult and oftentimes 
dangerous. We have two objects to attain — equally important— 
to retain possession of the North river, and to bring our main 
force close to Boston. In case the enemy should undertake any 
operation, these two objects are very far distant from one an- 
other. Our land force, such as it is, must be ready to resist, 
at the right or the left, wherever the enemy thinks proper to 



140 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 



attack us. Now what will become of that unhappy province, 
the Jerseys, which is actually menaced with devastation and fire 
by the enemy? Lord Cornwallis has entered it with a body of 
probably six thousand men. Will Lord Stirling be able to op- 
pose such a force with his three brigades, the number of which 
I will not mention, so as not to annoy you? Perhaps you will 
say, "The militia of New Jersey." But is the militia still ani- 
mated by the same spirit as it was when America had no regular 
army? Now, allowing for the said three brigades, and two more 
at Providence, look at this side of the river and tell me what 
other forces have we there? Do not be deluded, sir, by the rolls 
of our regiments or brigades; deduct therefrom, unhesitatingly, 
one-third for those who, either for the want of clothing or shoes, 
are unable to make a single march in the present season of the 
year, when the nights are already cold and wet. I am not afraid 
to tell you the truth, disagreeable as it is; no, on the contrary, 
I consider it my duty to show you the actual situation of our 
army. I beg you, rather, sir, to examine attentively the land 
forces which the enemy possesses on this continent; look at 
their number, their nourishment, clothing, arms, order and dis- 
cipline; see how much we are inferior, in all respects to them, 
and then answer me if our game is not a very hazardous one? 
How long will our country continue to stake her fortune 
on the issue of one day? How many more millions has the de- 
vastation of the Jerseys devoured than it would have taken for 
the states to have completed the regiments upon the plan 
adopted by Congress, in which case we should have had an 
army of forty thousand men? Had we this force, nay, had we 
only thirty thousand, would the enemy ever have dared to put 
a foot out of New York island? Too numerous an army is ex- 
pensive, but too small an army is dangerous. In 1776 General 
Washington had the glory to maintain himself at the head of 
an army of eighteen thousand men. I sincerely hope that he 
may not have that glory a second time. If too much backward- 
ness had not been exhibited in this matter the war would prob- 
ably have been already at an end. In order to secure peace on 
a solid and honorable basis, it is prudent to redouble every 
preparation for carrying on the war. * * * In consequence 
of the bad discipline, the service of picket guards of patrols is 
entirely neglected in our army. Our cavalry is without a leader 
— not a single officer of that arm understands the duty. They 
are brave. I have no doubt, but bravery alone does not consti- 
tute an officer. 

Generals might plead and Congress might request, 
but states continued indifferent, and matters continued to 
jog along without any material change. 

During his sojourn in Philadelphia, at the request of 



CAMPAIGN OF 1779 141 

General Reed, Baron Steuben spent several days with that 
gcntkman examining the country around the city, espe- 
cially on the Jersey side, with the view of constructing 
defenses winch, fortunately, were never needed. 

Impatient to get back to active service Steuben, 
without waiting for the final action of Congress, which 
now seemed assured, on March 26 hastened to rejoin the 
a^my in northern New Jersey. He went to work imme- 
diately, straightening out matters which needed attention. 
The nominal strength of the army, according to the reso- 
lutions nf Congress, was eighty battalions of infantn of 
477 privates each, so that the whole should be about 40,- 
000 men. but the real strength was scarcely half this num- 
ber. The force under Washington's direct command at 
this time numbered just 11,067 men, and with this little 
force he w?£ expected to keep Sir Henry Clinton in New 
York (if not capture him with the city) and prevent 
sporadic raids along the coast and frontier. Steuben di- 
vided the army into six divisions known as the Virginia, 
Maryland, Pennsylvania, Connecticut. Massachusetts and 
North Carolina. He drilled them thoroughly in the use 
of the bayonet, which was soon to figure in the capture of 
an important stronghold, and his formation of light in- 
fantry proved so effective that after the Revolution it was 
introduced into other European countries in contradistinc- 
tion to the massing which had proved so fatal to Brad- 
dock and others. Reviewing and drilling were thv order 
of the day, even after the army had taken the field. Arms 
must be pol.'shed, officers attentive to the wants o* their 
men, the sick visited and cared for, and the improvement 
of the army was marked in every direction. A fe ,v details 
given by North indicated the amount and character of 
the work ro- formed. He says : 



142 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

I have seen the Baron and his assistants seven long hours 
inspecting a brigade of three small regiments. Every man not 
present must be accounted for; if in camp, sick or well, they 
were produced or visited, every musket handled and searched, 
cartridge boxes opened, even the flints and cartridges counted; 
knapsacks unslung, and every article of clothing spread on the 
soldiers' blanket, and tested by his little book, whether what he 
received from the United States within the year was there, if 
not, to be accounted for. Hospitals, stores, laboratories, every 
place and every thing were opened to inspection, and inspected, 
and what officer's mind was at ease if losses or expenditures 
could not, on the day of searching be fully and fairly accounted 
for? The inspections were every month, and wonderful was the 
effect, not only with regard to economy, but in creating a spirit 
of emulation between different corps. I have known the subal- 
terns of a regiment appropriate one of their two rations to the 
bettering of the appearance of their men, but this was at a later 
period of the war, when supplies and payments were more 
regular. 

The year 1778 closed and 1779 opened with a series 
of barbarous raids both on the Northern and Southern 
coasts, the main object being evidently to induce Wash- 
ington to send part of his forces to protect these sc ittered 
posts. But Washington knew that such a procedure 
would prove his undoing, for any material weakening of 
his army along the Hudson would be the signal for an 
advance by Clinton up that river, and by the occupation 
of strategic points he would cut the American Confedera- 
tion in two, and conquer each part in detail. The Amer- 
icans with their fortifications at West Point held a firm 
grip on the highlands of the Hudson, with two smaller 
posts farther down, Stony Point on the west side, and 
Verplanck's on the east bank of the river. But while 
the Americans were fortifying Stony Point Clinton cap- 
tured the place, and with its batteries reduced the works 
at Verplanck's. It was deemed essential that Stony Point 
be retaken, and the task was entrusted to General An- 
thony Wayne, whose "madness" was controMed by 
method, which brought victory on more than one occa- 



CAMPAIGN OF 1779 143 

sion. There was but one way to retake the fortress and 
that was by assault. But the usual storming party would 
be subject not only to the fire of the occupying garrison 
but to crossfires from Verplanck's and the river, which 
would make success out of the question. There was but 
one resource, a bayonet charge under cover of darkness. 
Every dog within three miles was killed, and at midnight 
on June ]5, 1,200 Americans with unloaded guns an' 
fixed bayonets advanced on the works. They were on 
top of the breastworks before discovery, and although the 
British made the best resistance possible the cold steel of 
t.'ie bayonet was too much for them, and after a loss of 
sixty-three, the remainder of the garrison 553 in number, 
surrendered. The American loss was fifteen killed and 
eighty-three wounded. The value of the bayonet as a 
fighting arm, which Steuben had labored to impress on 
the 'trmy, was now fully demonstrated, and the next day 
after rhe battle when he visited Stony Point in company 
with Washington, he was enthusiastically greeted by the 
soldiers who declared that in the future they would take 
care of their bayonets and use them for other purposes 
than digging trenches or roasting meat. At Steuben's 
request a general order was issued (which could now be 
enforced) directing that in the future all bayonets should 
be continually fixed to the musket, and the men were not 
to wear any more belts and sheaths for the purpose of 
carrying them. Bayonets, belts and sheaths were saved 
by this operation, and the former from this time forth be- 
came an integral part of each soldier's equipment. Owing 
to the great changes in fire arms and infantry tactics there 
has been some question in late years of the value of the 
bayonet, but for a century it held its place with no one 
to doubt its efficiency. 

Shortly after this M. Gerard, the French minister to 



144 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

the United States was superseded by Chevalier De la Lu- 
zerne, who arrived in Boston the latter part of August. 
Steuben was then doing some reviewing at Providence, 
R. I., and was requested by the minister to accompany 
him to Washington's headquarters, which he desired to 
visit. Accordingly he met the minister at Hartford, and 
the two continued their journey via Wethersfield, New 
Haven, Fairfield and Danbury to Fishkill on the Hudson, 
where Washington had already arrived. The pair, al- 
though strangers to each other, had the opportunity of be- 
coming pretty well acquainted on their journey through 
Connecticut, and Steuben remarks of his companion : 
"Although he received me with the utmost politeness, I 
saw that he knew nothing of me, and that the French 
ministry had not informed him how it happened that I 
had come to this country. This convinced me that they 
had sent me adrift, and that I was to manage for myself 
as well as I could. I took good care not to allow M. De 
la Luzerne to perceive what I thought, and mentioned 
only incidentally my acquaintance at Versailles and the 
way I came to America, and determined to play the part 
of an American officer who had no other protection or 
support." It was evidently a case of out of sight, out of 
mind, and it is very probable that the Baron did not oc- 
cupy the thoughts of the French officials to any great ex- 
tent after he left that country. 

American officers were naturally not thoroughly 
posted as to the details of etiquette to be observed in re- 
ceiving foreign embassadors, while Steuben, from his 
previous experience was perfectly at home in these mat- 
ters. Before the party arrived at Fishkill. Hamilton 
wrote to Steuben asking him "to send on an express to 
the General (Washington) informing him of the daily 
stages which it is proposed to make and the time of your 



CAMPAIGN OF 1779 145 

intended arrival at camp. If the General should meet M. 
De la Luzerne at Fishkill as a private gentleman will he 
think the compliment amiss? This is entre nous. I see 
no impropriety in it, but shall be obliged to you to favor 
me with your opinion on this, and on any other point 
that may occur to you, avec franchise. At his Excellency's 
debarkation at headquarters Major Gibbs has a violent 
inclination to make a little flourish at the head of his men. 
Will this be an infringement on your plan?" 

This plan seems to have been entirely satisfactory, 
in fact it was the only appropriate one, the minister not 
having yet presented his credentials to Congress. The 
visitor was greeted on his arrival with an artillery salute 
and a military reception in the fortress, and everything 
passed off agreeably. As Washington afterwards wrote. 
"He was polite enough to approve my principle, and con- 
descended to appear pleased with our Spartan living. In 
a word, he made us all exceedingly happy by his affability 
and good humor while he remained in camp. After an in- 
spection of the army and fortifications the minister pro- 
ceeded on his journey to Philadelphia." 

Washington at this time requested a written opinion 
from Steuben as to the military situation, which was 
given at some length on July 27, from which we take the 
following extracts : 

Our present situation is about the same as it was at the 
commencement of the campaign. The enemy is still numer- 
ically superior. Their troops are better provided than ours. 
They are better able to carry out their plans, and. on account of 
their ships, they are masters of the coast and of the mouth of 
North river. 

The taking of Stony Point was a great advantage for our 
side. It has not only encouraged the army but the people. It 
has shown the enemy that our generals knom how to make a 
plan, and that our officers and soldiers know how to carry it 
out with boldness and precision. It has delayed the field oper- 



146 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

ations of the enemy, but it has not altogether defeated their 
plans. 

Let us examine what those plans probably are: The great 
preparations which the enemy have made to protect themselves 
on both sides of the river at King's Ferry, the time, labor and 
expense they have employed in fortifying this point — can they 
have any other object than the burning and plundering the 
coast of Connecticut? Would they have fortified Stony and 
Verplanck's Points to terminate their conquests there for this 
campaign? Neither supposition is at all probable. Their 
plans must be more comprehensive. Having fortified these two 
points, and leaving a sufficient garrison in them (it will be re- 
membered that the Americans evacuated Stony Point three 
days after its capture by Wayne) they are at liberty to take the 
rest of their forces wherever they think proper, and in case of 
a reverse these two points are a support for their troops and a 
harbor for their vessels. They will then invade the country 
with a view to encouraging us to follow them by detachments, 
or with our full force, while they will be ready at any moment 
to make an attack on West Point with three or four thousand 
men and the vessels necessary for their transport. If, on the 
other hand, we do not allow ourselves to be drawn from our 
present position by their invasion, it is possible that they may 
send a corps of five or six thousand men, on either side of the 
river, to seem to threaten our flanks, and try to maneuver in our 
rear, so as to attack West Point. This, however, seems to me 
very difficult, particularly on the side of the fort. 

Whatever means they employ, I am positive that their oper- 
ations are directed exclusively to getting possession of this post, 
and of the river as far as Albany. If this is not their plan they 
have not got one worth the expense of a campaign. On their 
success depends the fate of America. The consequence is, there- 
fore, that there is nothing of greater importance to us than to 
avert this flow. Let them burn what they have not burned al- 
ready, and this campaign will add to their shame, but not to 
their success. Were West Point strongly fortified, supplied with 
sufficient artillery, ammunition and provisions, and a garrison 
of two thousand men, we ought not to be induced to take our 
forces more than a day's march from it. To have the means of 
relieving it, I go further and say that our army should be de- 
stroyed or taken before we allow them to commence an attack 
on West Point. * * * Were it possible to place a brigade or 
two somewhere between Sufterns and Fort Montgomery, the 
enemy would be compelled to keep more men and ships near 
Stony Point, and although I do not think it advisable to risk a 
second enterprise against the same point, I should wish the 
enemy to apprehend it. * * * Let us defend North River 
and hold West Point, and the end of our campaign will be glori- 
ous. The above is my opinion on the present condition of af- 



141 



fairs. The arrival of our ally's fleet on the coast would ma- 
terially change our plan of operations. 

No general movement was made by either army, and 
the summer passed away quietly so far as operations in 
this section were concerned. The Baron and his assist- 
ants were indefatigable in bringing the army up to as 
high a standard as possible with the facilities at his com- 
mand. He seems to have largely conquered the preju- 
dices which still existed among the Americans against 
foreigners, and Duponceau tells us that though he was a 
strict disciplinarian he was much beloved by the soldiers 
as well as by civilians. One woman asked permission to 
name her child after him when he said, "How will you 
call him?" "Why to be sure," was the reply, "I'll call 
him Baron." Occasionally he would swear in German, 
then in French, and then in both languages together, and 
when theie vocabularies were exhausted he would call 
aides to continue the operation in English until the desired 
maneuvers were successfully performed. On September 
28th he sent some copies of his regulations to Benjamin 
Franklin at Paris with a short review of his work in the 
army, which he considers on the whole quite satisfactory. 
He says if other correspondents "tell you that our order 
and discipline equal that of the French and Prussian 
armies, do not believe them ; but do not believe them 
either, if they compare our troops to those of the Pope; 
and just take a medium between these two extremes. 
Though we are so young that we scarcely begin to walk 
we can take already Stony Point and Paulus Hook (near 
New York) with the point of the bayonet, without firing 
a single shot. * * * All I can assure you of is that 
the English will not beat us if we don't beat ourselves." 
There was the usual trouble, however, arising from 
expiring enlistments and scanty supplies which effectually 



148 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

prevented Washington from making any serious efforts 
towards the reduction of New York, which was now the 
only important post held in the North since Rhode Island 
had been abandoned by the enemy. Clinton finding he 
could accomplish nothing substantial in his own neigh- 
borhood decided to turn his face towards the South, 
where the British had won several important victories, 
and it became evident that the principal military opera- 
tions would soon centre in that section. Leaving Kny- 
phausen with a strong force to guard New York, 
he and Cornwallis on Christmas Day, 1779, with 
five men of war and 8,000 troops sailed for Georgia, 
and afterwards received 3,000 more, bringing the army 
in that section up to 13,000 men. Savannah had been 
for sometime in possession of the British, and Charleston 
was now the objective point. Its capture was not ac- 
complished, however, until May 12th of the following 
year. 

In the meantime, Washington, having sent all the 
Virginia and North Carolina troops south to aid in re- 
pelling the invasion went into winter quarters near Mor- 
ristown, New Jersey. The winter was exceptionally se- 
vere, and it was almost Valley Forge over again. Snow 
lay two feet deep on the ground, and the troops suffered 
severely before they could build their log huts to keep 
from freezing. Continental money was worth about 
thirty cents on the dollar, and nobodv wanted to take it 
at any price. Sometimes the army would be without 
bread, sometimes without meat, and sometimes without 
both, for days at a time. Congress seemed unable to do 
anything, and the men were kept from starving largely 
through voluntary contributions of the New Jersey 
farmers. The Hudson was frozen over, and Knyphausen 
added to his army considerable loyalist militia to resist 



CAMPAIGN OF 1779 149 

any effort which the Americans might make to cross on 
the ice and attack the city, but such an effort was beyond 
Washington's power. Nevertheless nobody thought of 
giving up the contest. Steuben kept up his drills and ex- 
ercises, and as he now had the entire confidence and good 
will of the army his task in this direction was compara- 
tively easy. He had troubles, however, in another way, 
in that his expenditures necessarily exceeded his income. 
Out of his small allowance he was obliged to purchase 
supplies for his servants and horses, and as a result his 
financial condition soon became a matter of serious con- 
cern. Washington on August 17, 1779, called the atten- 
tion of Congress to this matter with a memorandum of 
warrants he had given Steuben on his own authority. 
Strictly speaking this was not legal, and could only be 
justified bv the urgent necessity which existed. He asked 
that the Board of War be vested with discretionary power 
to meet this class of emergencies, by granting such 
amounts from time to time as might be necessary and 
reasonable. As usual, however, Congress did nothing, 
and the situation became more strained as Washington 
did not feel justified in issuing such warrants without 
specific authority to do so. Some of the American officers 
were in the same condition as Steuben, but as they re- 
ceived aid from their respective states their situation was 
more endurable than the Baron's, who had nothing to fall 
back upon. To tide over the fall and winter at Morris- 
town, Mr. Boudinot made him a loan, and at last Steuben, 
whose patience was naturally exhausted, asked Congress 
for an increase of pay or dismissal. It will be remembered 
that his compensation was nominally $2,000 per annum, 
but this was paid in Continental currency, then almost 
worthless. Finally Congress, on March 7, 1780, voted 
him an extra allowance of 250 louis d'ors, quoted at $3.83 



150 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

each, but which being paid in bills of exchange on Paris, 
the Baron was compelled to discount them at a loss of 40 
per cent, thus realizing the munificent sum of $580.50. 
Had it no: been for the urgent requests of his associates 
Steuben would no doubt have resigned his position at 
this time. Colonel Benjamin Walker, the Baron's aide- 
de-camp, among others, wrote him, "I cannot but dread 
the moment when such an event shall take place, for 
much am I afraid we should again fall into that state of 
absolute negligence and disorder from which you have in 
some measure drawn us." But Steuben held on, hoping 
for better times and better things. 

It will be remembered that so far as the sinews of 
war were concerned Congress was practically reduced to 
French loans and paper money issues, whereas a strong 
government possessing adequate powers of taxation 
would probably not have been obliged to resort to either, 
at least to more than to a limited extent. 



CHAPTER X. 



A YEAR OF EVENTS. 



The George Rogers Clark Expedition — Victories of Paul Jones 
and the Navy — Spain Enters the Struggle — Troubles in the 
South— Paper Reforms— Bad Condition of the Army— 
Steuben's Continued Efforts — Gloomy Prognostications. 

However interesting in themselves it would be for- 
eign to the purpose of this work to follow the numerous 
forays and expeditions, which, along the coast and back 
at the frontier, followed each other at frequent intervals. 
Harrowing as they were to the communities thus afflicted 
they cannot be said, so far as the British efforts were 
concerned, to have had much influence on the final result 
of the war. in fact the outrages thus committed aroused 
such indignation as to incite the patriots to renewed ef- 
forts and counter expeditions. One of these latter, under 
the command of George Rogers Clark, which penetrated 
to the Mississippi and gave the whole of the territory 
northwest of the river Ohio, then a part of the province 
of Quebec, to the United States, is deserving of larger 
space than it has yet received in our general histories. A 
writer has called Clark the Hannibal of the West, but the 
comparison fails to do justice to the conqueror of the 
West. Like Hannibal Clark penetrated far into the ene- 
my's country, but, unlike Hannibal, he refused to retreat, 
and, turning threatened annihilation into victory, gave to 
his country not only that great empire which now in- 
cludes the states of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, 
Wisconsin and part of Minnesota, but indirectly prevented 
the confinement of the new nation to a narrow strip along 



152 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

the Atlantic ocean, with the Allegheny mountains prac- 
tically the western boundary. 

During this period our little navy had also been doing 
excellent work on the ocean, and John Paul Jones was 
able to strike terror even along the English coast. Early 
in 1779 Spain by entering into an alliance with France 
had practically declared war against England with the 
object of recovering Florida, Minorca and especially 
Gibraltar, whose continued possession by Great Britain 
was equal to a running sore in the body politic of the 
Iberian peninsula. England now had 314,000 soldiers 
in different parts of the world, but her enemies were giv- 
ing her so much trouble that she could not reinforce her 
armies in America to any great extent, in fact Clinton 
was compelled to send 5,000 men to the West Indies 
which involved the evacuation of Newport, and from that 
time until the end of the war, New York was the only 
place of importance north of the Chesapeake held by the 
British. Tt was a golden opportunity for the Americans, 
but Washington with his inadequate resources could do 
nothing but watch, while his little army stretching in a 
thin line from Danburv, Connecticut, to Elizabethtown, 
New Jersey, mantained a pretty effective blockade so far 
as the back country was concerned. British ships could 
ascend the Hudson as far as the highlands, but so long 
as the Americans held West Point this was of very little 
use. 

In thi? condition of affairs Clinton not unnaturally 
turned his thoughts towards the South. He had not for- 
gotten his defeat at Fort Moultrie in 1770, but the situa- 
tion had changed somewhat since then. Savannah had 
been captured by the British in the fall of 1778, and they 
still held that city notwithstanding an effort the next year 
by the combined Americans and French forces for its re- 



A YEAR OF EVENTS 153 

capture, in which Count Pulaski was slain. Subsequent 
battles in Georgia and South Carolina were unfavorable 
on the whole to the Americans, and with the royalist sen- 
timent known to exist in those two states it was believed 
that a new base for successful operations could be found. 

Washington, ever on the alert, fully appreciated the 
new danger, especially when he learned that Clinton and 
Cornwallis on Christmas Day, 1779. had sailed for Sa- 
vannah with 8,000 men, leaving Knyphausen in command 
at New York, which had been strengthened by the forces 
from Rhode Island and posts on the Hudson. But the 
same situation confronted him, the inadequacy of his 
army, which alike prevented the sending of large rein- 
forcements south or any successful movement against 
New York. In fact the expiration of terms of enlistment 
threatened to reduce the main army, now having only 
13,070 men. by at least one-fourth. . At this juncture he 
ordered Steuben, in whom he continued to manifest in- 
creased confidence, to go to Philadelphia to confer with 
Congress in regard to reforming the army and placing it 
on a more permanent basis. The prejudice against any- 
thing looking towards the formation of a standing army 
had previously considerable influence in preventing the 
enactment of legislation whose necessity was now so ap- 
parent, in fact the very existence of the army was at 
stake. 

Steuben arrived at Philadelphia on the 22d of Jan- 
uary, 1780, and the next day delivered Washington's re- 
port to Hon. Samuel Huntington, then President of Con- 
gress. On the 26th he was informed that the Board of 
War was ordered to confer with him on the state of the 
army. There was also talk of a committee to visit the 
camp in order to give a new formation to the army, and 
incorporating forty-one regiments. Steuben was also in- 



154 GENERAL WILLIAM VOX STEUBEN 

formed by the French minister that the latter was on the 
point of asking Congress what means it intended to em- 
ploy for the operations of the next campaign, that he 
might give notice to his court and to the chiefs of squad- 
rons to make their arrangements. He also gave assur- 
ance that they might reckon on the arrival of the French 
fleet in case the Americans were able to co-operate. 

Steuben left very full notes of this period, and letters 
which have been translated by Mr. Kapp, which give a 
flood of information obtainable from no other source. 
The Baron appeared before the Board of War on the 
2Gth, where he found the members well disposed towards 
his plans and apparently willing to do all in their power 
to reinforce the army and promote vigorous operations. 
Several schemes were proposed, and the Baron expressed 
his willingness to accept any that would bring them an 
army. 

Finally on January 28 he presented to the Board a 
lengthy memorial reciting what had been done towards 
reducing the army to a uniform organization in the face 
of serious obstacles, and even that, incomplete as it was, 
promised to be totally destroyed by the expiration of 
terms of enlistments, leaving fragments of battalions and 
regiments which could not be thrown together without 
encountering such opposition as threatened to disrupt the 
whole scheme. Even supposing the army could be re- 
cruited by filling each skeleton regiment it would bring 
the force to 58,000, not only an unnecessary number, but 
one which would be beyond the ability of the states to 
support. But in order to oppose the enemies in the 
North and South it was necessary that the army should 
be considerably augmented, and sufficiently provided 
with necessaries for the next campaign. That the Baron 
did not consider an immense number necessary for this 



A YEAR OF EVENTS 155 

purpose is evident from the figures given below, which 
do not include officers, sergeants, drummers, wagoners, 
artificers, servants or camp followers of any kind, but 
only actual fighting men. His very conservative estimate 
of the number of these needed is as follows : 

Infantry 23,010 

Cavalry 1,000 

Artillery and artificers 2,000 

Train of Artillery 400 

Train of the army 2,952 



Total 29,908 

Of this he assigned the forces under Washington 
as follows : 

Infantry 10,000 

Cavalry 000 

Artillery and artificers 1,200 

Train of Artillery 300 

Retainers &c 2,000 

Total 20,000 

He would allow 1,810 in garrisons, and the balance 
to General Lincoln in South Carolina. To accomplish 
this he proposed that — "Each state should only level its 
regiments — each to consist of three hundred and twenty- 
four men. They ought then to divide each regiment into 
eight companies, and one of light infantry. Each com- 
pany should consist of thirty-six men, out of whom four 
should be drawn to be put under the quarter-master gen- 
eral's orders, who might employ them as wagoners, etc., 
and thereby save the enormous expense to which we are 
subjected by the considerable pay those wagoners receive, 
which it is known is no less than that of a captain of in- 
fantry." 



156 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

Considerable space is also devoted to measures for 
subsistence, clothing &c, and above all, 10,000 stand of 
arms by the beginning of the following May, without 
reckoning on those which were expected from France. 
The moments were precious, and the Baron reminded the 
Board that if the recruits did not join their regi- 
ments by the 1st of April the trouble and expense of as- 
sembling them would avail nothing. He adds in conclu- 
sion : 

"Our late disappointment at the southward should 
strike us; two thousand men more under the orders of 
General Lincoln would have insured us the defeat of the 
enemy in Georgia, and we would now have no fatal con- 
sequences to apprehend on that side. I cannot forbear 
observing here that most of the individuals of this con- 
tinent are tired of the present war, I wish this consider- 
ation may induce us to do our utmost to bring it to a 
happy termination in one glorious campaign," 

While some made objections to certain details of the 
Baron's plans, on the whole they were well received, of 
which fact he apprised Washington on January 30, and 
asked for the Board of War returns of the present con- 
dition of the troops, supplies &c. To this on February 8 
Washington replied from Morristown to the effect that 
before arranging details it should be decided whether it 
would be in their power to make an offensive movement, 
or must they confine themselves to a defensive campaign, 
and on this point he says : 

It is not possible to decide this question without a more 
intimate knowledge of our resources of finance than I at pres- 
ent possess, and without ascertaining whether our allies can 
afford a squadron for an effectual co-operation on this conti- 
nent. T think, with vigorous exertions, we may raise a sufficient 
number of men for offensive operations, if we were able to 
maintain them; but from the view I have of our affairs, I do 
not believe the state of our treasury will admit this without 










rffck 

I ',U4af UjL 






^^^? 



3»- 




WBST POINT IN 1780. 
From print in New York Magazine, 1790. On left is portion of old Fort Constitution. 
Opposite on a high point is Fort Clinton, the two connected by the great chain 450 yards 
lung. In the distance are two mountains crowned with North and .Middle redoubts. The 
view is from Constitution island. 



• •t'v-v--' <i vP% J 



i 







THE VERPL'ANCK HOUSE. 
Steuben's Headquarters near West Point, where the Society of the Cincinnati was formed. 



A YEAR OF EVENTS 157 

assistance from abroad. Whether this is to be obtained, Con- 
gress alone can judge. On the other hand, from the particular 
situation of the enemy's posts in this quarter, I should not ad- 
vise you to calculate measures on the principle of expelling 
them, unless we had certain assurances that an adequate naval 
force will be ready to co-operate with us through all contin- 
gencies. If foreign aid of money and a fleet are to be depended 
upon, I should then recommend that all our dispositions should 
have reference to an offensive and decisive campaign, and in this 
case I should ask at least one-third more men than you esti- 
mate, to be immediately raised by a general draft. But as I 
doubt whether these two preliminaries can be placed upon such 
a footing of certainty as to justify our acting in consequence, I 
imagine we must of necessity adopt the principle of a defensive 
campaign, and pursue a system of the most absolute economy. 
On this principle, however, if I unedrstand your estimate, I do 
not think it will be more than sufficient. When the deductions 
for unavoidable casualties are made this number will give us 
less than twenty thousand for our efficient operating force. 
This is as little as we can well have to contain the enemy 
within bounds, and prevent their making any further progress. 
Including the detachment which lately sailed from New York 
they have near twenty thousand men fit for actual service in 
these states, to say nothing of the recruits they will probably 
send over to complete their battalions, &c. 

While conferences with the War Board were still in 
progress Steuben busied himself in arranging details for 
the anticipated recruiting, examination of the recruits 
and assignment for service. None under eighteen or over 
fifty years of age should be received, and the regulations 
could not be improved upon to-day. Special attention 
was given to the cavalry. 

As usual, however, Congress failed to fully comply 
with the suggestions of Steuben, although they were 
fully supported by Washington. In lieu thereof on Feb- 
ruary 5, the following resolutions were adopted : 

That, for the ensuing campaign, the states be respectively 
required to furnish, by draughts or otherwise, on or before the 
1st day of April next, their respective deficiency of the number 
of 35,211 men exclusive of commissioned officers, which Con- 
gress deem necessary for the service of the present year. 



158 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

It was provided that all the men whose service did 
not expire before the last of the following September 
should be credited on the quotas of their respective states, 
and for this purpose the general in chief was directed to 
make returns to the states of the men so credited. This 
action led to a lengthy correspondence between Steuben 
and Washington in regard to carrying out of details. As 
before intimated the lack of men was not the only diffi- 
culty to be encountered. Arms and accoutrements were 
quite as important, and, according to information fur- 
nished by the Board of War there were only about five 
hundred stand of arms on which they could rely, while 
nothing could be expected from abroad before the follow- 
ing June or July. There was necessarily considerable 
delay in making out the returns which fretted the Baron, 
who declared, "We shall certainly lose two months at a 
time when we ought not to lose two days." 

While this was going on the Baron did a little in- 
vestigating on his own accunt, and found in the Philadel- 
phia manufactories and magazines 3,200 stand of arms 
in good order. A return of 2,000 was made from Albany, 
and a similar number at Carlisle. Pa., which could be 
brought together by the beginning of April. He also 
found 4,000 large muskets without bayonets, which were 
too heavy for campaign purposes but suitable for use in 
fortifications. He proposed to have 2,000 cleaned and 
sent to West Point. In addition 2,000 new cartridge 
boxes were discovered, which would be useful in the 
army. At this time a letter was received from Franklin 
in Paris, in which he expressed no doubt that a request 
made by Congress of the King for arms, ammunition and 
clothing for the army, would be granted. 

The hopes raised by this condition of affairs were 
soon succeeded by discouragement. A letter to Wash- 



A YEAR OF EVENTS 159 

ington, dated March 15, shows that practically nothing 
had been done to carry out the plans proposed. Congress 
still dallied with details, and especially neglected to de- 
cide whether the number of regiments was to be pre- 
served, or whether a general incorporation was to take 
place, a matter simple enough in itself, but a necessary 
preliminary to my effective work in the future. The 
Baron in despair concluded to quit Philadelphia and re- 
turn to the army, but Chancellor Livingston requested 
him to remain and make one more effort towards securing 
Congresional action through the War Board. As the 
season was now so far advanced and so much valuable 
time had been lost it was decided to abandon the reforma- 
tion idea, and instead recruit the existing skeleton regi- 
ments up to their maximum strength. Once more the 
Baron reformed his plans to meet the new exigency, by 
which each regiment was to consist of 317 righting men 
exclusive of the commissioned officers, drummers, fifers, 
and be divided into nine companies of thirty-five men each. 
A brigade of four regiments would have 1.268 fighting 
men. and fifteen brigades at the grand army would make 
a body of infantry of 18,703 men under arms. By this 
time Washington's entire force in New York and the 
Jerseys had been reduced to 10,400 rank and file, includ- 
ing 2,800 whose terms of enlistment would expire the last 
of May, which would leave him with less than 7,000 
troops, stretched around a crescent of over one hundred 
miles. With this little army poorly supplied he had to 
watch the 11,000 well armed and well trained British sol- 
diers strongly fortified and concentrated at New York 
City, and be ready at any opportune moment to move to- 
wards Boston, up the Hudson or back across the Jerseys 
as circumstances might require. The Virginia and North 
Carolina brigades had already been sent south, and the 



100 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

critical situation there would soon make further demands. 
There were some Canadians serving in the army at this 
time, but their number was not large. 

On the 28th the Baron again wrote to Washington 
that Congress had done nothing with his memorial, 
which still lay on the table, and as he says, "every wheel 
of the machine seemed stopped." He pronounced the 
situation very critical, and although some attempts had 
been made to improve the financial situation, no imme- 
diate results could be expected in that direction. He con- 
cludes this epistle with the following pregnant remarks : 

My anxiety for our northern affairs. I cannot help saying, 
is considerably increased by the last accounts, which seem to 
announce a determination of General Lincoln to defend Charles- 
ton with all his force. This to me appears to be playing a hard 
game. Another danger which threatens us. and which is much 
to be dreaded is the declared division between Virginia and 
Pennsylvania, the latter state having actually passed a law for 
the raising fifteen hundred men to defend their pretended rights. 
All these things offer but a dull prospect, rendered still more 
dull by the cabals and factions which reign among us. The 
civil departments of the army, at a time when their whole at- 
tention should be taken up in providing for the approaching 
campaign, are in such a state of dissatisfaction and confusion, 
that I am very apprehensive they will make things still worse 
than they are. 

You will perhaps think, my dear General that I am in anx- 
iety for things which are out of my sphere.: but when you con- 
sider that all my happiness depends on our success, you will not 
blame me for the interest I take in the cause. The same mo- 
tives make me apprehensive that the necessary arrangements 
will never be firmly established without your personal assistance; 
and I submit to you, My dear General, whether your presence 
is not absolutely necessary at Congress in the present critical 
situation of our affairs. Your right to the confidence both of 
Congress and the people is too well founded not to command 
the greatest attention to everything you propose. The time is 
precious, and the prospect before us is threatening. Your pres- 
ence will animate our councils as it does our armies. My at- 
tachment to the cause, and the respectful confidence I have in 
your presence, induce me to express in the strongest terms the 
desire I have to see you here. 



A YEAR OF EVENTS 161 

< 
Washington's reply to this earnest epistle is dated 
April 2. After referring to some details of the proposed 
reforms he says : 

Your anxiety on the score of southern affairs cannot exceed 
mine. The measure of collecting the whole force for the de- 
fense of Charleston ought, no doubt, to have been well con- 
sidered before it was determined. It is putting much to hazard, 
but at this distance we can form a very imperfect judgment of 
its propriety or necessity. I have the greatest reliance on Gen- 
eral Lincoln's prudence, but I cannot forbear dreading the event. 
Ill as we can afford a diminution of our force here, and not- 
withstanding the danger we run from the facility with which 
the enemy can concentrate their force at our weak points, be- 
sides other inconveniences, I have recommended to Congress 
to detach the Maaryland division to reinforce the southern 
states. Though this determination cannot, in all probability, 
arrive in season to be any service to Charleston, it may assist 
to arrest the progress of the enemy, and save the Carolinas. 

My sentiments concerning public affairs correspond, too, 
much with yours. The prospect, my dear Baron, is gloomy, 
and the storm threatens. Not to have the anxiety you express 
at the present juncture, would be not to feel that zeal and in- 
terest in our cause by which all your conduct shows you to be 
actuated. But I hope we shall extricate ourselves, and bring 
everything to a prosperous issue. I have been so inured to dif- 
ficulties in the course of this contest, that I have learned to look 
upon them with more tranquility than formerly. Those which 
now present themselves no doubt require vigorous exertions 
to overcome them, and I am far from despairing of doing it. 

Steuben replied on the 6th with the oft-told tale of 
procrastination, and embodying the suggestion that he 
had previously made to Congress, that in view of the de- 
lay and lateness of the season a committee be appointed 
with full power in concert with Washington to make 
every arrangement necessary for the ensuing campaign. 
Washington had, in the meantime, written to President 
Huntington concerning the alarming condition of affairs 
and before Steuben's letter was dispatched a committee 
was appointed, consisting of Messrs. Schuyler, Mat- 
thews and Peabody to take up the matter. They were 



162 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

instructed to proceed at once to headquarters to carry out 
as far as possible the reforms suggested by Steuben, and 
during the Summer they made reports and continued 
their labors until August 11, when they were discharged. 
Congress took up the matter, however, the following Au- 
tumn, and adopted the Baron's system when the war was 
nearly over. 

While Steuben was in Philadelphia, details of his 
work in the army were carried out as far as possible by 
his aide de camp, Colonel Walker, who, with immense 
amount of trouble, succeeded in getting returns of more 
or less completeness. Even with the support of Wash- 
ington it was very hard to enforce the regulations, and it 
was no doubt with unfeigned satisfaction that the Baron 
was welcomed back to his military duties about the mid- 
dle of April. Steuben was accompanied to headquarters 
by Chevalier De la Luzerne, the French minister, in 
whose honor, the army, under Steuben's direction, was 
put through a series of maneuvers, which elicited the 
warmest praise from their distinguished visitor. 



CHAPTER XI. 

A DISASTROUS PERIOD. 

Reverses in the South — Loss of Georgia and the Carolinas — 
The Army Almost Discouraged — Equipoise of Washington 
and Steuben — Incompetency of Congress — The Baron Out- 
lines Plans for the Future — Treachery of Arnold — An Inter- 
esting Incident. 

The apprehensions of Washington and Steuben in 
regard to the army in the South were soon abundantly 
verified. General Lincoln was a brave and energetic of- 
ficer, but he made the mistake of allowing his army to be 
cooped up in Charleston instead of escaping as Washing- 
ton did from New York in 1776. As a result, the city 
being invested by a superior force on land and sea, he 
was compelled on May 12, 1780 to surrender with all his 
force. The 3,000 Continentals were held as prisoners, 
and the militia and male citizens were paroled. The loss 
was most serious as it turned South Carolina as well as 
Georgia almost completely over to the British, although 
Marion, Sumter and other partisan rangers kept up a de- 
sultory warfare. Sir Henry Clinton returned to New 
York leaving 5,000 men with Cornwallis to complete the 
reduction of the South by the invasion of North Carolina 
and Virginia. A crisis was at hand, and not only were 
more troops needed south of the Potomac, but a compe- 
tent general to command them. Washington had un- 
limited confidence in Greene, notwithstanding the latter 
had made some mistakes in the early part of the war, and 
desired that he might be sent to collect the remnants of 
the southern army. But Gates, who, with the assistance 
of Arnold, had won his laurels at the expense of Schuyler 



164 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

at Saratoga, nothwithstanding his character had suffered 
by the disclosures of the Conway cabal, was still regarded 
as an able general, and on June 13 Congress placed him 
in command of the Southern army. He left for the field 
of operations with the best wishes of everybody, al- 
though his old-time friend and associate Charles Lee, 
sent him a warning note to "Take care that your north- 
ern laurels do not turn to southern willows." He arrived 
at Hillsboro, North Carolina, on June 19, and relieved 
General De Kalb, who had managed to keep together 
what was left of the army. It was a situation demanding 
extraordinary care and prudence, but Gates does not 
seem to have exercised even ordinary faculties. Without 
going into details, which are related by Fiske and other 
historians, it is sufficient to say that he was surprised by 
Cornwallis, near Camden, S. C, and on August 16, suf- 
fered a crushing defeat. His army was captured, slaugh- 
tered or scattered and De Kalb killed, while Gates only 
saved himself by a precipitate flight to Hillsboro, nearly 
two hundred miles distant, which he covered in less than 
four days. The way to North Carolina and Virginia was 
now open to the invader, but before following the course 
of events in that section we will return to the Jerseys. 

Steuben was at his old work keeping the army in 
the best shape possible. The new levies ordered by Con- 
brought the army down below the danger point, white 
the lack of supplies and worthlessness of the Continental 
money embarrassed every step. The latter had fallen 
to two cents on the dollar, and before the end of 1780 it 
took ten paper dollars to make a cent. In these days of 
alleged high prices it may be interesting to observe that 
corn was then quoted at $15 per bushel, butter at $12 a 
pound, flour $1,575 a barrel and other things in propor- 
tion. Of course these were not specie prices but based 



A DISASTROUS PERIOD 165 

on paper which had already produced the familiar pro- 
verb "Not worth a Continental," that has survived to the 
present day. As the army was paid in currency, when 
paid at all, the situation was particulary hard on both 
officers and privates, when it required an officer's salary 
for the entire year to purchase a suit of clothes. Wash- 
ington attempted to supply the army with food by req- 
uisitions from the surrounding country, a proceeding 
always objectionable, but which he carried out as lightly 
and impartially as possible, paying therefor in certificates 
which were receivable for taxes, not a very good make- 
shift but one that served its purpose for the time. When 
the pay of a private of a private soldier for a month would 
not buy a bushel of wheat for his suffering family, it is 
not surprising that there were desertions. The people 
were getting tired of the war, and even among the patriots 
there was talk as to whether it would not be better to make 
terms and end the struggle before there should come the 
inevitable collapse. Desertions at that time averaged over 
a hundred a month, and Washington in writing to Presi- 
dent Huntington calls attention to the fact that 
with the end of the year the terms of half the army 
would expire, with the condition that "The shadow of an 
army that will remain will have every motive except mere 
patriotism to abandon the service, without the hope which 
has hitherto supported them, of a change for the better. 
This is almost extinguished now, and certainly will not 
outlive the campaign unless it finds something more sub- 
stantial to rest upon. To me it will appear miraculous if 
our afTairs can maintain themselves much longer in their 
present train. If either the temper or the resources of the 
country will not admit of an alteration, we may expect 
soon to be reduced to the humiliating condition of seeing 
the cause of America in America upheld by foreign arms." 



166 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

On June 6 Knyphausen concluded to make a diver- 
sion into New Jersey, and for this purpose landed a force 
at Elizabethtown point. The town itself was guarded by 
American militia, who, having warning, withdrew in time 
not only to avoid capture, but with the help of reinforce- 
ments and some Continental troops they harassed the 
British all the way to Connecticut Farms, a distance of 
about five miles. From there the Americans retreated a 
few miles farther to Springfield where they took a strong 
position, which Knyphausen, although his force was 
greatly superior, did not attempt an attack, and that even- 
ing began a retreat back to the point. Steuben, as Wash- 
ington's chief of staff, seems to have supervised the move- 
ments of the Americans, for all reports were sent to his 
quarters as well as deserters and prisoners. He also drew 
up a general plan to utilize the New Jersey militia during 
this invasion which subsequent movements of the enemy 
rendered unnecessary. 

Clinton arrived at New York from the South on 
June 17, and two days later came across the bay to view 
the situation in New Jersey. He did not think much of 
it, but before withdrawing his troops concluded to try the 
effect of a diversion. Making a feint at threatening Wash- 
ington's army in the rear, he again advanced to Spring- 
field about thirty miles northwest. Greene had taken up a 
strong position beyond the town which Clinton concluded 
not to attack, but that evening ordered a retreat after 
burning the village. Skirmishers and militia harassed the 
British alDng the entire route, repeating the Lexington 
experience. The British troops reached Staten Island by 
a bridge of boats which was then removed. Later Clin- 
ton embarked 8,000 troops on an expedition to retake 
Rhode Island, which he had given up the preceding fall, 
but owing to the inactivity of Arbuthnot, the naval com- 



A DISASTROUS PERIOD 167 

mander, it came to nothing, and Clinton wrote home that 
it would be impossible to conquer America without rein- 
forcements. 

Bancroft states that during the first week in June 
the troops under Washington's immediate command 
numbered but 3,760 men fit for duty, and these Congress 
could neither pay nor supply with food. But dark as was 
the prospect the commander in chief and the little band 
which composed his staff did not despair. As he did once 
before at the request of Washington, Steuben drew up a 
general review of the situation with suggestions and 
plans for the future, especially the coming campaign. 
First as to the existing situation, concerning which he 
says: 



The great preparation made by the belligerent powers in 
Europe since last December, announced an intention on both 
sides to render this campaign as decisive as possible. The in- 
tentions of the Court of France were made known to the honor- 
able Congress the beginning of January last by the minister, 
who at the same time exhorted the United States to employ 
every effort in making the necessary preparations for a vigorous 
campaign on their part. It is not now necessary to examine 
into the motives that prevented the different Legislatures from 
making the necessary arrangements. But it is proper to know 
that, instead of augmenting our force, it has diminished near 
five thousand men whose term of service has expired. About 
this time Charleston was invested, and it did not require any 
superior knowledge in the art of war to presume the place 
would fall. This has, in fact, happened; and by the capture of 
the garrison we have suffered a loss of two thousand five hun : 
dred men. These, added to the five thousand above mentioned, 
make about one-half the force we had last campaign. 

On the arrival of Marquis De Lafayette, the latter end of 
April, we were assured of the intention of the Court of France 
to send a fleet of ships of the line and seven or eight thousand 
troops to co-operate with the Americans in such a manner as 
Congress should judge for the interest of the United States. It 
was then thought proper to reinforce the army, and accordingly 
Congress recommended, and the states resolved, to raise troops 
for that purpose. But the bad state of our finances, with other 
difficulties which have occurred, has prevented the execution of 



168 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

these resolves to the present moment. Such is the situation of 
things at this time. 

The enemy having left a garrison of three thousand men at 
Charleston, are returned with the remainder of their force to 
New York, where they have about ten thousand regular troops 
and four thousand new levies, in all about fourteen thousand, 
together with four ships of the line in the harbor, besides 
which it is reported that Admiral Graves has arrived at Penob- 
scott with a fleet, the force of which we have not ascertained. 

On the other hand we are in expectation of the arrival of 
promised succor from our allies, and expect to reecive from the 
different states the number of men and every other assistance 
necessary to co-operate with them, and strike a decisive stroke 
whenever the commander in chief shall think proper to direct 
his operations. 

From this the Baron proceeds to outline a course of 
campaign, which, it must be confessed, appears very am- 
bitious considering the resources at hand and what might 
reasonably be expected. The paper seems almost to com- 
bine the present cheerfulness of Mark Tapley with the 
future visions of Don Quixote. First was the reduction 
of New York with the capture of the garrison which 
would terminate the war. Second was the conquest of 
Canada in order to secure the frontier from savage raids 
and secure the peace of the continent. Third was the 
reduction of Halifax and Penobscot. Fourth was the re- 
taking of Charleston, and fifth was the reduction of the 
Floridas, in which assistance might be expected from the 
Canadas. New York was of course, regarded as the cru- 
cial point, where, as we have seen, the enemy had 14,000 
men, well fortified and supplied. According to military 
authorities to successfully invest and reduce a fortified 
place requires a force three times as large as the garrison, 
but the Baron thought it might be done in this case with 
double, or 28,000 men. Counting the existing American 
force at 7,000, which we have seen was very liberal, and 
expecting 6,000 or 7,000 French troops in addition the 
Americans would then have about 14,000 all told, and 



A DISASTROUS PERIOD 169 

consequently would need at least 14,000 additional re- 
cruits. He thought if these recruits were furnished by 
August 1 and properly supplied with provisions and for- 
age (two very violent assumptions) the enterprise might 
be inaugurated. Co-operation might also be expected 
from the French fleet, but there was very little certain in- 
formation on this point. The process of investment is 
worked out with very elaborate detail, but as the scheme 
was based upon resources which were never furnished it 
is not necessary to follow it here. The same may be said 
concerning the invasion of Canada and the capture of 
Quebec, which, under the circumstances was as visionary 
as a hobo's dream of sumptuous banquets in marble halls. 
Charleston and Florida were to await the results of oper- 
ations in the North. 

Possibly Washington's features relaxed into a grim 
smile as he read this memorial, which contained the es- 
sence of military strategy had there been the means to 
carry it out. In the meantime came news of Gates's de- 
feat, and the summer was wearing away without any- 
thing being accomplished. On September 10 another 
paper was submitted by the Baron, which, taking into ac- 
count their present condition, is quite different in tone 
from the former. Although disclosing the serious con- 
dition of affairs it contains no note of despair, but is 
filled with valuable suggestions. All idea of present of- 
fensive operations is abandoned, the writer pertinently 
remarking : 

What can be undertaken against an enemy placed on three 
islands, superior in naval force and at least equal in land force, 
without mentioning the advantages that an army of veterans 
has over one the half of which is composed of young recruits? 
We cannot even expect to keep them within their limits. They 
have it in their power to pass the rivers and make incursions 
wherever they think proper, and I shall be much astonished if 



170 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 



the enemy do not assemble their whole force, pass the river 
(the Hudson) and try to engage us in general action. If any 
consideration prevents them it is that, having so large a propor- 
tion of German troops, they are apprehensive of their deserting 
on such an occasion, while the English fleet blocks the port of 
New York, and thereby prevents a junction with the French 
troops. 

Some changes are suggested which would give bet- 
ter facilities for resisting the enemy in the event of an at- 
tack, and the Baron proceeds to a discussion of affairs in 
the South, which is of special interest as that section was 
destined soon to become the principal theatre of war : 

Upon a general view of the situation, and especially after 
the unhappy affair to the southward, I think that our only object 
should be to stop the progress of the enemy till some more for- 
tunate events permit us to act on our part. To do this I would 
not only wish the army to be kept together, but I should wish 
for as speedy a junction as possible with the French troops. 
* * * What appears to me most likely is, that the enemy, 
after the defeat of General Gates, will endeavor to push their 
conquest to the southwest, and being sure that we are not able 
to undertake anything against the three islands, they will em- 
bark what troops can be spared, and make a descent on Vir- 
ginia, where there is nothing but militia to oppose their prog- 
ress. How to stop them in that quarter is the most difficult to 
answer. The successive detachments we have already sent have 
lost us the troops of six states. Always inferior to the enemy, 
and not supported by the provincials or militia, they have been 
sacrificed as far as they have been sent. Can we risk now to 
expose the Pennsylvania line to the same fate? At any rate we 
can not before the junction of the French troops with our 
army. * * * To attempt to retake by detachments of our 
army, what we have lost in that quarter, we shall in the end be 
defeated by detail. I could cite many examples where whole 
armies have been defeated by detachment. Prince Eugene, 
against the French, risked his reputation and the loss of the 
house of Austria for having weakened his army by detachment — 
he was totally defeated by detail. But our own experience will 
suffice. The troops of six states have already been lost, and if 
these states cannot or will not replace their troops the State 
of New Hampshire would at least be left to defend the whole 
thirteen states. To detach any part of the army at present 
seems to me of more dangerous consequences than any prog- 
ress the enemy can make to the southward. In fact they can 
only ravage the country, and this we cannot hinder even with 



A DISASTROUS PERIOD 171 

a superior force; and should they take possession of any places 
on the coast, so soon as the maritime forces of our allies be- 
come superior to theirs on the coast they must abandon them. 
* * * The greatest danger, in my opinion, that can threaten 
the country is a defeat of our army. The disaffected would be- 
come discouraged, and all our resources become more difficult. 
We should even in that case lose every advantage that we 
might reap from the arrival of a fleet of our allies to our as- 
sistance. My opinion then is absolutely this, to play a sure 
game, and rather suffer some little insult than risk the whole; 
to keep our army together as much as possible, and prepare 
ourselves to act with vigor when our allies come to our assist- 
ance. 

This lengthy and pregnant memorial concluded with 
the suggestion that the only assistance Washington could 
then give the Southern states would be to send one or 
two well posted officers to give necessary instructions. A 
winter campaign against Charleston is suggested in case 
the expected French fleet arrived with sufficient reinforce- 
ments. 

The importance of this memorial cannot be overesti- 
mated. The pressure upon Washington to send further 
detachments to check the progress of the enemy in the 
South was very great, and while he no doubt realized in 
his own mind the importance of keeping the grand or 
main army intact as far as possible he was no doubt glad 
to be sustained in his position by such an unanswerable 
presentation of the facts and conclusions therefrom. 

Mention of expected aid from France has no doubt 
been noticed in the above memorials. This does not refer 
to the general assistance which had been received from 
that country since the outbreak of the war but to a spe- 
cial expedition which was expected that summer. So far 
the results of the French alliance had been disappointing 
at least to the general public, who could not realize the 
value of the assistance which had been given in the form 
of money and supplies and the indirect help afforded by 



172 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

keeping busily engaged elsewhere forces that would have 
otherwise been turned against America. The only two 
instances where the forces had attempted to co-operate 
had been disastrous, largely at least through divided coun- 
sels. By 1780, however, mainly through the representa- 
tions of Lafayette, who had returned to France in 1779 
and remained several months, there was a change of pol- 
icy. Lafayette urged Vergennes to dispatch at least 
12,000 men to America under a competent general, who, 
however, would be completely subordinate to Washing- 
ton, and thus the combined armies would succeed in 
"dealing England a blow where she would most feel it." 
Lafayette returned to America in April, 17S0, with the 
information that such an expedition was projected, and 
on July 10 there arrived at Newport Admiral Ternay 
with seven ships of the line and three frigates, carrying 
6,000 men under command of Count Rochambeau. This 
was only half the number needed, but the balance was 
promised as soon as transportation could be procured. 
Unfortunately the French fleet was blockaded in Narra- 
gansett bay by a strong British squadron, and Rocham- 
beau did not care to move his troops while this danger 
existed. The other 6,000 were blockaded in Brest harbor 
and never got away from France. Thus all the schemes 
for that year miscarried, and offensive plans did not get 
beyond the paper stage. Another year was to elapse be- 
fore even Rochambeau's force could be utilized. 

During this summer General Robert Howe was in 
command at West Point, against which Washington be- 
lieved Clinton had designs while making feints in New 
Jersey. He had seen active service in the South, but had 
been unfortunate in losing Savannah while trying to de- 
fend it against a force three times as great as his own, 
and at the request of the South Carolina delegates in Con- 



A DISASTROUS PERIOD 173 

gress he was superseded by General Lincoln who was 
equally unfortunate at Charleston. A fear existed in the 
army that he might not be able to defend West Point, so 
Washington, not wishing to remove him, about the mid- 
dle of June sent Steuben to Howe as a confidential ad- 
viser, a commision which he filled with tact and delicacy 
until the 1st of August, when Benedict Arnold succeeded 
to the command. While there, as elsewhere, the Baron 
paid particular attention to the condition of the army, 
bringing the personnel and equipment up to the highest 
standard for any emergency that might arise. Referring 
to the soldiers one of the officers remarked that when they 
marched from the parade they appeared equal to the 
storming of another Stony Point. Furloughed men were 
recalled, and a needed reformation carried out in every 
department. Expected arms from France failed to arrive, 
and complaints of insufficient supplies were only relieved 
from monotony by their justice, but Steuben labored on 
amid all discouragements, a sample of which is related in 
a letter to General Knox, dated July 27, which is only one 
of several to the same effect : 

"Among the 3,000 arms arrived from Albany 900 
only have bayonets, nor do I know where to procure 
them. We shall also be very short of cartridge boxes. I 
have ordered 1,500 to be repaired here God knows if it 
will be done. These fifteen days past I have been endea- 
voring to get arms from Chester to Newburg, where I 
have prepared a store for their reception, to deliver them 
to the brigades. I have also been ten days trying to get 
the arms from Albany from on board the sloops, but 
neither one nor the other can be done. My orders are 
less respected than those of a corporal. The army is un- 
der marching orders, and nearly 4,000 are unarmed. The 
arms are here, and cannot be delivered because nobody 



174 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

will do his duty. There were at Philadelphia, I believe, 
5,000 arms with bayonets, and 1,500 new cartridge boxes, 
with drums, fifes and other articles, and there are, I be- 
lieve, 1,000 arms at Carlisle. In our present circum- 
stances they should all be collected or we shall lose the 
campaign.'' 

By this time Washington had removed his head- 
quarters to Tappan, between West Point and New York, 
in order the better to watch Clinton and form a junction 
with Rochambeau when opportunity offered. Here he 
was joined by Steuben, when Arnold took command at 
West Point, and it was here no doubt that he presented 
his memorial of September 10 which furnished a basis for 
future movements. 

To follow the marching and counter-marching of 
armies, to recount the stories of sieges and battles is al- 
ways more interesting than picturing the details of camp 
life, the daily drill, looking after supplies, instructing and 
preparing officers as well as the rank and file to properly 
perform their duties. But just as the latter is absolutely 
necessary to any efficient work against the enemy so is it 
necessary to give some account of it. even at the risk of 
being tedious, in order that there may be due apprecia- 
tion of the character and services of him to whom the 
duty of carrying on this branch of the service is allotted. 
It was now three years since Steuben had cast his lot with 
the American insurgents, and during most of that period 
he had labored in season and out of season in performing 
the duties assigned him. If he could not get what he 
thought he should have, he took what he could 
get, whether it was a question of authority or 
a matter of supplies. As a member of Wash- 
ington's official family he had earned the unlimited con- 
fidence of the commander in chief and the respect of every 



A DISASTROUS PERIOD 175 

member of his staff. His special work had shown good 
results, and undoubtedly contributed largely to saving the 
army at Monmouth, as well as adding to its efficiency on 
other occasions. While temporarily holding a command 
in the line, he demonstrated his fitness for the position so 
clearly that one is forced to the conclusion that had not 
jealousy of foreigners prevented his assignation to a per- 
manent post the story of some reverses to the patriot army 
might have been different. He had the confidence of the 
rank and file as well as that of the inferior officers, which 
was in itself a marked assistance in carrying on his opera- 
tions. Yet we have seen from the West Point letter that 
he was still hampered unreasonably in his work, and this 
was largely due to the neglect of Congress to provide him 
with ample powers and assistance in the way of subordin- 
ate officers. When that body on February 25, 1779, re- 
solved to establish the office of permanent inspector in- 
stead of the temporary arrangement then existing, it 
seemed to think that the mere creation of the office, with 
the book of regulations as subsequently adopted would 
furnish an automatic machine which would perform the 
work required without further action. Washington, by 
special orders relating to the duties of inspector, sub- 
inspectors, brigade majors and others concerned, rendered 
invaluable aid towards carrying out Steuben's plans, so 
that by 1780 the discipline and exercises of the troops 
were as good as the shifting from expiration of enlist- 
ment terms and other courses would permit. The next 
move was to stop abuses of furloughs and discharges as 
well as the waste which prevailed. To do this it was re- 
quisite that there should be a consolidation of the muster 
master's and inspector's departments. The two heads 
were in constant conflict until Congress on January 12, 
1780 annexed the former to the inspector's department, 



170 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

so that accounts of men and supplies should be made to 
the inspector. In pursuance of this action Steuben reor- 
ganized his department, creating new offices to which 
should be attached these additional duties, the department 
to consist of an inspector general and assistant, one for 
each division being a Colonel or Lieutenant Colonel, sub 
inspector for each brigade to be a major or senior cap- 
tain, an inspector for artillery, and one for cavalry. These 
officers were to be allowed such assistance in men or ani- 
mals as they might need, and the commander in chief 
should make regulations for the whole body. 

The matter was taken up by Congress, which body, 
on September 25 passed a set of resolutions adopting the 
idea as a whole, but making material changes in detail 
which were not very satisfactory to the Baron, who was 
not slow to express his dissent therefrom. None but a 
military person would care to follow these differences 
with particularity, but the main objections on the part of 
the Baron appear to be summed up in a letter from Phila- 
delphia to Washington, dated October 23d, as follows: 

The monthly addition of five to eight dollars to the pay of 
officers of such merit as those whom your Excellency has 
chosen for the inspectorship, appears to me so very mean that 
I will not take upon myself to make them such a proposition. 
When the ancient majors of brigade, who, in the first institu- 
tion, were taken from the line of lieutenants or ensigns, had an 
addition to their pay of twenty-four dollars per month, how can 
nine dollars now be proposed to a colonel for discharging so 
important and painful function? I am now endeavoring to find 
how much the muster master's department has cost the states. 
I am sure that the addition I ask for the officers of inspector- 
ship will not amount to an eighth-part of it. Several resolu- 
tions in this arrangement are contradictory to one another, and 
others are not sufficiently clear. I am therefore determined to 
present a memorial to Congress in order to have the inspec- 
tor's department established on the footing proposed by your 
Excellency, without any alteration. If Congress desire that I 
should continue in this office, I flatter myself that they w : ll 
have a regard to my representation. 



A DISASTROUS PERIOD 177 

As usual, however, the Baron had been going ahead 
attending to his duties both as inspector and as a member 
of Washington's staff. Among other things he drew up 
a plan for the daily assembling of the general officers 
with the commander in chief by which the different 
branches were kept in close touch with each other, also for 
punishing officers absenting themselves without leave, 
with other matters of like nature. Scarcely half the re- 
cruits requisitioned so bravely by Congress had put in an 
appearance, but these had to be trained and absorbed by 
the rest of the army. Congress again attempted to pro- 
vide a regular army, at least on paper, by providing that 
from and after January 1, 1781, said army should con- 
sist of four regiments of cavalry, four of artillery, forty- 
nine of infantry exclusive of Colonel Hazen's regiment 
of foreigners, and one regiment of artificers. The cavalry 
was to consist of six troops, each of 64 non commissioned 
officers and privates ; artillery regiments to consist of nine 
companies of 65 each, the infantry of nine companies of 
64 each, and the artificers of eight companies of 60 each, 
making a total of 1576 cavalry, 2,340 artillery, 28,124 in- 
fantry, and 480 artificers, or 32,520 in all besides com- 
missioned officers and the various non combatants such as 
musicians, teamsters &c. These were apportioned among 
the states with an urgent request to fill up their quotas not 
later than January 1, enlistment to be made for the war 
if possible, but if these could not be obtained then recruits 
to be taken for not less than one year unless sooner re- 
lieved. The sum of fifty dollars was allowed as bounty, 
and each recruiting officer was granted $2 premium for 
every soldier obtained. Some changes were made in this 
plan, but as a whole it was retained until the end of the 
war. 

Steuben now had a new job on hand, namely the for- 



178 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

mation of the fresh army which Congress proposed to 
create. This he outlined in a lengthy memorial in which 
great stress was laid on retaining as many of the old offi- 
cers as possible. As finally arranged the infantry, cavalry 
and trains of the army should amount to 32,058 men, with 
3,153 in the artillery, sappers and miners. His views were 
adopted by Washington and subsequently by Congress, 
and it looked as though he would now have a chance to 
work out his ideas under more favorable circumstances 
than ever before. Unfortunately for this object the con- 
dition of affairs in the South called him away from the 
main amy, and the reforms which he had so carefully 
planned were practically shelved for a year. 

There was soon to be a shifting of the active theatre 
of war, but before giving it attention, it may be well to 
recall the celebrated plot of Arnold and Clinton, which, 
had it been carried out to a successful consummation 
would have furnished a most tragic climax to what has 
been not inappropriately called the year of disasters. The 
character of Benedict Arnold certainly was a mixed one, 
and in his earlier days he possessed traits that cannot but 
excite one's admiration, although even then he had his 
critics who had at least some foundation for their detrac- 
tions. Running away from his home at Norwich, Con- 
necticut at the age of fifteen he joined an expedition 
against the French, but not enjoying military restraint he 
deserted and came back home. At the outbreak of the 
Revolution he was in the mercantile business at New 
Haven, and immediately after the battle at Lexington 
went to Cambridge at the head of the militia company of 
which he was captain. He proposed an expedition 
against Crown Point and Ticonderoga, but Ethan Allen 
having organized a similar expedition under authority of 
the State of Connecticut, he served under him as a volun- 



A DISASTROUS PERIOD 179 

teer. Becoming angry at an investigation ordered by the 
Massachusetts authorities he left the expedition and re- 
turned to Cambridge. His expedition to Quebec that fall 
through the Maine woods furnished an episode of suffer- 
ing and endurance seldom equalled. Severely wounded 
in the futile attack on Quebec, he succeeded to the com- 
mand of the combined forces on the death of Montgomery 
who had joined him by way of Montreal, which point he 
held until the following April, when he was compelled to 
retreat. Charges were made against him of having mis- 
appropriated goods belonging to Montreal merchants, but 
an investigating committee pronounced these charges ut- 
terly baseless. Later he made a brilliant fight against 
odds on Lake Champlain, and when Congress in 1777 
created five new major generalships it was thought Arn- 
old would be given one of them. But although ranking 
brigadier he was passed over entirely on the ground that 
Connecticut already had two major generals. He was so 
indignant at this injustice that he wanted to resign from 
the army, but Washington persuaded him to remain, and 
he afterwards did some brilliant work in defeating a band 
of British raiders at Ridgefield, Conn. He was now com- 
missioned major general, but without the ranking to 
which he was naturally entitled, and he was sent to join 
the army of the North against Burgoyne. Gates had suc- 
ceeded Schuyler in time to reap the fruits of victory due 
to Schuyler's arrangements, very much as credit was 
largely given to another who had the advantage of Ad- 
miral Sampson's work at Santiago over a hundred years 
later. Being jealous of Arnold's military reputation 
which had been won during the Canadian expedition 
Gates provoked a quarrel with him which led to Arnold 
being relieved of his command, but when the second bat- 
tle of Saratoga began and the situation appeared serious, 



180 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

at the request of his brother officers Arnold dashed into 
the affray and rendered brilliant service, contributing ma- 
terially to that day's victory. During this fight the bone 
of his left leg was fractured above the knee by a shot from 
a German wounded soldier who was lying on the ground, 
and as Arnold fell from his horse one of his men rushed 
to bayonet the German. Arnold cried out, "For God's 
sake, don't hurt him he's a fine fellow." The soldier was 
saved, and so, unfortunately, was Arnold. Had he died 
on that field, his name would have been enrolled among 
those of American heroes. Admiral Mahan in the intro- 
duction to his "Life of Nelson," remarks : "It is the ap- 
pointed lot of some of History's chosen few to come upon 
the scene at the moment when a great tendency is nearing 
its crisis and culmination. Fewer still, but happiest of all, 
viewed from the standpoint of fame, are those whose de- 
parture is as well timed as their appearance, who do not 
survive the instant of perfected success, to linger on sub- 
jected to the searching tests of common life, but pass 
from our ken in a blaze of glory which thenceforth for- 
ever encircles their names." The application of this 
truth to many instances both in public and private life 
will recall itself to the mind of the reader, but none 
is more striking than in the case of Arnold. 

For his actions at Saratoga Congress gave Arnold 
a vote of thanks and advanced him to his proper rank. 
But his evil genius still pursued him. When Clinton evac- 
uated Philadelphia, and Washington was endeavoring to 
head him off while crossing the Jerseys, he placed Arnold 
in command of the troops in the city. During the winter 
the Tories had had a joyous time with balls and banquets, 
and now the other side had its inning. Arnold took the 
lead in lavish entertainments and entered on a course of 
extravagance which soon led him into pecuniary embar- 



A DISASTROUS PERIOD 181 

assments, out of which he tried to extricate himself by 
speculations which only involved him more deeply. Per- 
haps this might have been overlookeed, but among his 
particular friends was a Miss Shippen, a member 
of one of the old Tory families, to whom he was 
betrothed and who afterwards became his wife. 
As a result Tories more than patriots figured at his enter- 
tainments, a state of things not conducive to harmony. 
While Arnold was absent on a visit to Washington at 
Morristown, President Reed and the Pennsylvania Exec- 
utive Council preferred a series of charges against him, 
which were not only laid before Congress, but scattered 
broadcast over the country. They accused him of having 
allowed a ship to improperly come into port, using public 
wagons for transporting private property, allowing people 
to enter the enemy's lines, illegally buying a prize vessel 
lawsuit, imposing menial offices on certain per- 
sons, and making private purchases while the shops were 
closed by his orders. At this distance these charges on 
their face look rather frivolous, and the committee of in- 
vestigation evidently thought so too for about the middle 
of March, 1779, it reported that the complaints were 
groundless except as to the use of the wagons and irregu- 
lar granting of a pass, and as there was no evidence of 
wrong intent even here a verdict of acquittal was recom- 
mended. Instead of granting this Congress listened to 
the representations of Reed that more testimony was 
forthcoming, and the matter was finally referred to a 
court martial which held the matter up until January 26 
following, when a verdict was rendered acquitting Arnold 
of all intentional wrong, but directing that he be repri- 
manded for his "imprudence." Washington was compelled 
to issue the reprimand which he made as delicate as pos- 
sible. But Arnold, with his feelings outraged, and per- 



182 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

haps influenced more than he himself suspected by his 
Tony associates, had already made a secret crossing of 
the Rubicon. He is said to have written a letter to Sir 
Henry Clinton the previous April intimating that he might 
go over to the British if he were indemnified for what loss 
he might incur, and a correspondence ensued through the 
medium of Clinton's Adjutant Major John Andre, using 
the signature of John Anderson. Possibly profiting by 
their experience with Lee the British authorities were 
evidently not willing to pay a very large amount for Ar- 
nold's adhesion unless it brought with it something of 
more substantial value than simply his own person. Dur- 
ing the progress of the court martial he was not in a posi- 
tion to deliver anything of value, but in July, 1780. he re- 
quested Washington, who still had full confidence in him, 
to give him command of West Point, the key to the high- 
lands, which Clinton coveted more tha nany other post in 
America. Burgoyne had tried in vain to reach it, and its 
loss would sever the northern portion of the Confederacy 
into two disconnected parts. Arnold took command 
there on August 3, with the full confidence that when he 
should openly desert to the British he would not go empty 
handed. We have outlined Arnold's career up to this 
time for the reason that it has not been so generally pub- 
lished as the later transactions leading to the arrest of 
Andre, the discovery of the plot and the escape of the 
chief offender. These are familiar to every schoolboy. 
Washington had gone to Hartford to hold a conference 
with Count Rochambeau, and had he returned by the 
regular route his capture would probably have been one 
of the results of the successful fruition of Arnold's 
scheme. He, however, took a more northerly route, and 
arriving at Fishkill, eighteen miles north of West Point 
two or three days earlier than was expected he sent word 



A DISASTROUS PERIOD 183 

to Arnold that he would meet him at breakfast the next 
morning. Instead of doing so, however, he spent the 
time examining some fortifications with Knox and Lafay- 
ette. It was while Arnold was breakfasting that he 
learned of the discovery of his treason, and fled while 
Washington was still on the opposite side of the river. 

The traitor was beyond reach of punishment, but 
the unfortunate Andre was in the toils. A court martial 
of fourteen officers was called to pass on his case, of 
which Steuben was a member, General Greene presiding. 
The conclusion was inevitable, and on September 29 An- 
dre was unanimously condemned to death, the sentence 
being carried out on October 2. His fate, although in 
accordance with all the rules of war, excited the sympa- 
thy even of his judges, but their duty was clear. Steuben 
was especially sympathetic, and in referring to the case 
said, "It is not possible to save him. He put us to no 
proof, but in an open, manly manner, confessed every- 
thing but a premeditated design to deceive. Would to 
God the wretch who drew him to death could have suf- 
fered in his place." 

Sympathy for Andre only intensified the feeling 
against Arnold, and in Steuben's mind especially this 
feeling was one of horror and detestation as is forcibly 
ilustrated by the following incident related by Pomeroy 
Jones in his history of Oneida County, New York : 

"On one occasion after the treason the Baron was on 
parade at roll call when the detested name, Arnold, was 
heard in one of the infantry companies of the Connecticut 
line. The Baron immediately called the unfortunate pos- 
sessor to the front of the company. He was a perfect 
model for his profession ; clothes, arms and equipments 
in the most perfect order. The practiced eye of the 
Baron soon scanned the soldier, and, 'Call at my mar- 



184 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

quee, after you are dismissed, brother soldier,' was his 
only remark. After Arnold was dismissed from parade, 
he called at the Baron's quarters as directed. The Baron 
said to him, 'You are too fine a soldier to bear the name 
of a traitor — change it at once, change it at once.' 'But 
what name shall I take?' replied Arnold. 'Any that you 
please, take mine, if you cannot suit yourself better, mine 
is at your service.' Arnold at once agreed to the propo- 
sition, and immediately repaired to his orderly, and Jon- 
athan Steuben forthwith graced the company roll, in lieu 
of the disgraced name of him who had plotted treason to 
his country. After the United States had conquered 
their independence our hero returned to Connecticut, and 
on his petition the General Court legalized the change of 
name. [The records show that this was done not by the 
court but by legislative enactment in January 1783.] 
A few years after, he wrote the Baron, who had now set- 
tled on his lands in northern New York, that he had mar- 
ried and had a fine son born, and that he had named him 
Frederick William. The Baron replied that when the 
son should arrive at the age of twenty-one he would give 
him a farm. The Baron soon after paid the debt of na- 
ture, but hi? letter was carefully preserved. A few years 
after its settlement Jonathan Steuben moved to the town 
of Steuben (N. Y.) with his family. When Frederick 
William arrived at his majority, the letter was presented 
to Colonel Walker, one of the Baron"s executors, who at 
once executed to him a deed in fee of fifty acres of land, 
but which had been previously leased to Samuel Sizer, 
and as the recipient preferred the enjoyment of the land 
to the receipt of the rents, he purchased the lease, and at 
once went into possession. 

"Jonathan lived to become a pensioner and died some 
fifteen or sixteen years since (about 1836). His widow 



A DISASTROUS PERIOD 185 

survived him ; she also drew a pension. In the war of 
1812 Frederick William went with the militia to Sack- 
ett's Harbor, where he was taken sick and died. For his 
services his widow also received a pension. He was or- 
derly sergeant of his company, and with the name of the 
Baron he ^eems to have inherited at least a portion of his 
distinguished qualifications, for he was considered one of 
the best disciplinarians in his regiment." 

At the risk of some repetition it may be of some in- 
terest to note a sequel to the above account. When the 
present writer was collecting data for this memoir of 
Steuben he happened to observe in the monthly bulletin 
of the Sons of the American Revolution a note stating 
that Dr. R. M. Griswold, of Kensington, Connecticut, a 
collateral descendant of Jonathan Steuben, the latter be- 
ing his great uncle, had made an address on this subject 
before the Colonel Jeremiah Wadsworth Branch, S. A. 
R. On communicating with Dr. Griswold he courteously 
furnished an abstract of his reminiscences from which we 
take the following : 

"More than fifty years ago when a small boy I 
spent much of my time with my paternal grandmother, 
who, before she was married, was Ann Arnold, daughter 
of Samuel Arnold, of the southeast or so-called Hock- 
anum district of East Hartford. In a closet of the old 
farmhouse where she lived and which was her father's I 
found an old flintlock musket which I persuaded my 
grandmother to allow me to rest upon the backs of two 
kitchen chairs, while I took imaginary shots at bears and 
Indians and red coats, for she told me that this old gun 
was the one with which "Uncle Jonathan Steuben used 
to shoot the red coats." To what species of animal the 
red coats belonged my boyish imigination did not extend, 
but it is certain that I classed them as some kind of wild 



186 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

animals. There was something about the history of this 
gun and of Uncle Jonathan to whom it formerly be- 
longed, of which my grandmother and the rest of the 
family were very proud, the reason for which will be 
found below. ^Jonathan Steuben was born Jonathan Ar- 
nold. His father, Ensign John Arnold and his 
grandfather, Sergeant John Arnold, lived and died 
in the family homestead in East Hartford or Hock- 
anum, which burned more than sixty years ago. En- 
sign John married Lucy, daughter of Thomas Wads- 
worth, who lived adjoining his father's house on the 
north, and here Jonathan was born February 27, 1757. 
This house is still standing in an excellent state of preser- 
vation^ as will be seen by the illustration). 

^.When a little over eighteen years of age he en- 
listed, and served until the end of the war, most of the 
time in Col. Huntington's regiment of infantry. Later 
he served in Colonel Sheldon's regiment of light horse, 
and still later on detached duty in various places under 
command of Baron Steuben as instructor of new troops. 
Immediately after the attempted delivery of West Point 
to the British by Arnold, when the army was stationed at 
Verplanck's Point under command of Baron Steuben, at 
roll call one morning the name of Jonathan Arnold was 
heard and responded to. The Baron said, "Let the man 
by the the name of Arnold step three paces to the front." 
Jonathan Arnold stood six feet two inches in his stocking 
feet, and when Steuben saw him he said, "You are too 
fine a looking soldier to bear the name of Arnold, 
change it !" To Arnold's inquiry as to what name he 
should take the Baron said, 'If you have none better, 
take mine, and I will be your godfather.' His name was 
at once changed on the company's roll to Jonathan Steu- 
ben, and as such he remained until the rest of his life, the 



A DISASTROUS PERIOD 187 

General Assembly legalizing the change in 1783. 

"Jonathan Steuben became a warm friend and 
bosom companion of William North, the Baron's aide de 
camp, and the Baron himself kept very close watch on his 
young namesake. After the latter's discharge at the close 
of the war he returned to his old home in East Hartford, 
and married Lucy Porter, of Hockanum, said to have 
been the handsomest girl in Hartford County. By her he 
had eleven children, six of whom are of record as hav- 
ing been born in East Hartford ; two daughters dying 
young, were buried in East Hartford cemetery. 

"In 1790 the State of New York granted Baron Steu- 
ben a large tract of land near the present city of Utica, 
parcels of which were given by the Baron to his friends, 
among whom Jonathan Steuben was remembered, and in 
1805 he with Colonel North and others removed to this 
section and settled what was afterwards known as the 
village of Steuben. Not long before his death Baron 
Steuben, accompanied by William North and Jonathan 
Steuben visited the latter's relatives in East Hartford, 
and this visit my grandmother seemed to remember with 
peculiar pride and pleasure. 

<"In February, 1890, 115 years after Jonathan Ar- 
nold entered the Colonial service, I had a letter from the 
only surviving member of his eleven children, William 
North Steuben, of Gilroy, Santa Clara County, Califor- 
nia. He wrote that he was the youngest of the children, 
having been born on August 7, 1808 ; that he removed 
from York State to California in 1849, and that he was 
named after Colonel North. An older brother, Frederick 
William, named after the Baron, died at Sackett's Har- 
bor on November 1, 1814, while in the service of his 
country during the second war with England. Another 
brother, Benjamin Walker, died in Illinois, December 25, 



188 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

1888. The latter left four sons, and William North 
Steuben left two sons. He was delegate from the Cali- 
fornia Society of Sons of Revolutionary Sires to the Cen- 
tennial . celebration of the surrender of Cornwallis at 
Yorktown in 1883. Although 82 years old at the time of 
writing the letter above referred to he was in good physi- 
cal and mental health. He died in 1904."\ 



CHAPTER XII. 
SHIFTING OF THE CONFLICT. 

Seat of War in the South — England Adds Holland to Her 
Enemies — At War Against the World — Greene and Steuben 
Sent to Virginia — Former Assumes Command of the South- 
ern Armies — Appeals to Steuben for Help — Desperate Con- 
dition of Affairs. 

British victories in the South, and the practical re- 
duction of Georgia and South Carolina made it apparent 
that the main seat of war must soon be transferred to that 
quarter. Gates, by his mismanagement more than by his 
actual defeat at Camden, had so thoroughly discredited 
himself that everybody recognized the necessity for an 
immediate change of commanders. Mindful of its pre- 
vious experience Congress this time concluded to leave 
the selection to Washington, who promptly appointed 
General Nathaniel Greene to the command of all the 
Southern armies. 

It may be remarked here that in December, 1780, 
England, as if she had not her hands full already, de- 
clared war against Holland. The alleged cause was the 
capture of some papers from an American packet contain- 
ing a proposed treaty of commerce between the United 
States and Holland, but the real cause was the fact that 
the Dutch drove a profitable trade with France and 
America during the conflict. Russia, Denmark and Swe- 
den had also become unfriendly to England on account of 
her arbitrary searching of neutral ships and the confisca- 
tion of goods found therein, and had united in what was 
known as the armed neutrality. It almost seemed as 
though the contest was developing into a struggle of 



190 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

England against the world, and while American pros- 
pects looked desperate it was also a most critical period 
for the British empire. In May, 1781, the armed neu- 
trality league was joined by Prussia, the following Octo- 
ber by the German (Holy Roman) Empire, in July, 1782, 
by Portugal, in September, 1782, by Turkey, and the fol- 
lowing February by Naples. Thus by the close of the 
Revolution the doctrine that "free ships make free goods" 
became a firmly established principle of international law, 
to which TTngiand, however, did not give a formal assent 
until 1856. 

Sensible of the demoralization that now prevailed 
throughout the South, and convinced that Greene would 
need all the assistance possible in restoring order out of 
chaos, Washington proposed sending Steuben with him 
as assistant. He was not only expected to be useful in the 
formation and regulation of raw troops, as he had been 
in the northern army, but besides performing the duties 
of inspector general it was expected that he should be 
given a command suitable to his rank. In his letter of 
notification to Steuben, dated October 22, Washington 
dwells on his services as being most essential to the south- 
ern army arid adding: "I wish you may have been able 
previously to obtain a satisfactory establishment of your 
departmea*:, which, in your absence, will become more 
necessary than it has been heretofore. But if it is not 
done, I would not have it detain you. Assure yourself 
that, wherever you are, my best wishes for your success 
and happiness attend you.'" 

The appointments of Greene and Steuben were con- 
firmed by Congress on October 30, with a flattering testi- 
monial to the value of the Baron's services, with the be- 
lief that both generals would be very useful in their new 
field. There was also encouragement in the types of both 



SHIFTING OF THE CONFLICT 191 

men. They were above petty jealousies, and placed their 
cause high above all other considerations. They had 
been intimate friends at Valley Forge, and had worked in 
harmony in their efforts to improve the condition of the 
army. In fact the whole situation now was better in one 
respect at least. The traitors, the factionists, the mutin- 
nists and incompetents who held high official positions 
had been gradually weeded out, and as towards the close 
of the late Civil war, there was more working together 
instead of the pulling apart, which had characterized 
earlier stages of the conflict. Alexander Hamilton 
wanted to go south with Greene and Steuben, but Wash- 
ington did not feel that he could yet spare him from his 
immediate official family. During the whole southern 
campaign there never was a disagreement between Greene 
and Steuben. 

The two generals left Philadelphia for their new 
field early in November. With the former were his two 
aides, Major Burnett and Colonel Morris, and with Steu- 
ben were Major Walker and his Secretary Duponceau. 
After a short stop at Chester the party separated, Gen- 
eral Greene tarrying to make some arrangements with 
the governors of Delaware and Maryland, and the others 
proceeding directly to Virginia, stopping to pay a brief 
visit to Mrs. Washington at Mount Vernon, where they 
were cordially received and invited to remain to dinner. 
Duponceau says, "The external appearance of the man- 
sion did not strike the Baron favorably. 'If, said he, 
'Washington were not a better general than he was an 
architect, the affairs of America would be in very bad 
condition.' The house at that time might be considered 
handsome, and perhaps elegant ; but at present, the most 
that can be said of it is, that it was a modest habitation, 
quite in keeping with the idea that we have of Cincinna- 



192 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

tus, and of those of the other great commanders of the 
Roman republic. In the interior we saw only two rooms, 
separated by an entry, one of which was a parlor, the other 
the dining room. They were respectably but not luxuri- 
ously furnished. The Baron having accepted the invita- 
tion we sat down to dinner. Mrs. Washington was ac- 
companied by a young lady, a relative, whose name, I 
think, was Miss Custis. The table was abundantly served 
but without profusion." 

From Mount Vernon the party went to Richmond, 
where they met Greene about the middle of November. 
Matters were in about as bad shape as possible, very much 
like the condition of the northern army when Steuben 
first entered upon his duties. Everybody was a law unto 
himself. The fragments of the army were scattered over 
a large extent of country, largely disorganized and prac- 
tically without supplies of either food, clothing or am- 
munition. The victory at King's Mountain on October 
7, another by Sumter over Tarleton on November 20, 
and a few small engagements had revived the hopes of 
the patriots and warned Cornwallis that his march north- 
ward would not be altogether a holiday affair. But 
marching north he was, and with reinforcements en 
route and no considerable organized force to oppose him 
he was reasonably sure of success. 

While the war centre was now principally along the 
boundary line between North and South Carolina, yet it 
was evident that Virginia must be principally depended 
upon both for men and supplies. The Old Dominion had 
heretofore fought the battles of the patriots at a distance, 
and only a few months before her hardy sons under 
Clark had conquered an empire, but so far her own set- 
tlements had escaped the worst ravages of war. Self- 
interest as well as patriotism dictated that the enemy 



SHIFTING OF THE CONFLICT 193 

should be kept at arms' length as long as possible, so 
previous to his departure for the Carolinas, Greene placed 
Steuben in command in Virginia. The latter's task was 
sufficiently arduous. He was expected to organize the 
raw recruits into serviceable volunteers and have them 
sent forward with adequate supplies, as well as to take 
care of any invasion which might occur from the coast. 
Greene left Richmond on November 20, and took com- 
mand at Charlotte, N. C, on December 2. His parting 
word to Steuben was to keep a lookout for the enemy 
who were hovering around Chesapeake bay, but left him 
with full liberty to govern himself as circumstances 
might require. He suggested, however, that the Baron 
secure as soon as possible accurate reports of the military 
resources of the state to be forwarded to him, acting as 
far as possible in concert with the state authorities. Re- 
cruiting was to be carried on as vigorously as possible, 
and any troops which might arrive from Washington's 
army were to be sent south without delay. It is scarcely 
necessary to state that Steuben's position was a most dif- 
ficult one. Expecting an invasion the state authorities 
were naturally more anxious concerning the direct de- 
fense of their own firesides than supplying the army in 
the distant Carolinas. Here as elsewhere the National 
idea was as yet imperfectly realized, and they could not 
grasp the fact that permanent relief could only be ob- I 
tained through the destruction of Cornwallis's army, i 
The Baron on the other hand had an eye single to the 
general welfare, without special consideration for local 
interests. Jefferson, who was governor at this time, 
seems to have seconded Steuben's efforts as far as prac- 
ticable, although, according to Prof. G. W. Greene, he 
was "governing in a way which has afforded his adver- 
saries an ample field of crimination, and cost his eulo- 



194 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

gistic biographers much labor to defend." Whatever 
may be the justice of this stricture it is very certain that 
the inertia of the state machinery and the indifference of 
the people were not easily overcome. This had been 
more or less the condition in every state since the begin- 
ning of the war. Whenever a section was invaded the 
yeomanry, from Lexington to Savannah, would flock to 
repel the invader, but when the crisis was past the undis- 
ciplined force would melt away like snow in summer 
time, leaving the commander with but a handful of soldiers 
who could be depended upon for regular military service. 
With a change of form it was mediaeval practice trans- 
ferred to America long after it had been abandoned in 
the old world. There were plenty of men in Virginia but 
everything was disorder, abundant resources (except 
possibly arms and ammunition) but reckless extravagance 
and want of system, personal bravery but an almost su- 
pine indifference. This all reacted on the people, who 
began to doubt whether they could ever achieve inde- 
pendence under such a state of affairs. 

With his usual energy Steuben went to work to im- 
prove the condition of affairs. His demands were suf- 
ficiently comprehensive. First he asked that the state 
furnish its quota of troops, under the new plan, thor- 
oughly equipped for the field for a winter campaign ; that 
a magazine of 10,000 barrels of flour, 5,000 barrels of 
pork and beef, and two hundred hogsheads of rum be 
established at Taylor's ferry on the Roanoke river; near 
the present town of Boydton in Mecklenburg County, 
near the North Carolina line; 3,000 head of cattle be 
driven at once to camp; 100 good road wagons to be 
furnished, with driver, four horses and harness complete 
to each wagon : forty artificers for the army ; provisions 
at different points of rendezvous ; a military chest with 



SHIFTING OF THE CONFLICT 195 

5,000 pounds ($25,000) specie or the value thereof, and 
sufficient advances be made to the officers as would en- 
able them to properly equip themselves. These requisi- 
tions doubtless made the local authorities open their eyes, 
but, as we shall see, did not have an equal effect upon 
their hands. 

There was a corps of regular soldiers in the state 
under command of General Lawson, and Greene, whose 
necessitates in this respect were very urgent, desired 
that it be sent at once to the front. Lawson arrived in 
Richmond on November 20, but did not report to Steu- 
ben until two days later. His force consisted of 378 
men, and Steuben proposed to review them on the 30th, 
and send them *Jie next day to join Greene, at once in- 
forming Greene of his action. When the men appeared 
for review at Petersburg, forty-one were missing. The 
remainder were ordered to march the following morning, 
but instead of starting General Lawson told Steuben that 
the Legislature had ordered the men discharged at Peters- 
burg, which was verified by a copy of the order received 
by Steuben from Jefferson the next day. Efforts to in- 
duce the men to enlist for a longer period were fruitless, 
and the corps was allowed to disperse. In writing to 
Greene on this matter Steuben told him that he need not 
regret their absence as from the poor condition of the 
corps in respect to discipline, arms &c. with the short pe- 
riod of enlistment it would have given very little service. 
General Greene responded that he did not regret the fail- 
ure of the corps to join him as on account of its short 
time of service it would have been of little use. Neither 
was he surprised at the condition of affairs in Virginia, 
especially as to the troops. They had been at home and 
so long neglected that all sense of duty and discipline was 
lost. He urged the Baron, however, to press the state 



196 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

for supplies and the officers to obey. He also urged that 
reinforcements be sent forward as rapidly as possible, as 
the enemy had been strengthened and their own forces 
divided. 

Steuben, of course did his best, but the results were 
not commensurate with his efforts. On November 27 he 
wrote a vigorous letter to Jefferson in which he pointedly 
declared that "Instead of forwarding to General Greene 
the reinforcements he expects, we are keeping a number 
of corps dispersed about the state, where no enemy has 
been these eight days, thereby exposing General Greene 
with an inferior force to the enemy, and exhausting what 
little provision was collected in the state." 

General Greene confirmed the Baron's statements, 
and warned the authorities that this course persisted in 
must exhaust their resources, and recommended that they 
should not keep in the field a man more of the militia 
than was absolutely necessary for covering the country 
from the enemy's ravages. But it seemed as though 
little or nothing could be accomplished, nor could data 
be secured showing the actual number of the militia or 
the terms of enlistment. In a letter to Washington of 
December 18, Steuben thus reviews the situation: 

"This state, having only a handful of regulars in the field, 
is continually ransacked by bands of officers and soldiers, who 
have always a pretext for not joining their regiments, and who 
are drawing pay and rations for doing no service at all, while 
they are committing excesses everywhere. Since the Virginia 
line was detailed to the southern army, it was never regularly 
formed; nay since I have been in the United States it has not 
had a regular organization. Your Excellency will recollect that 
in Valley Forge the brigades of Woodford and Scott consisted 
only of a few soldiers and officers, confusedly mixed together 
without any distinction of companies or regiments. In such a 
condition every corps must be ruined. The officers do not care 
for their soldiers, and they scarcely know the officers who have 
to command them." 



SHIFTING OF THE CONFLICT 197 

At this time Generals Muhlenberg, Wilson and Nel- 
son had three separate corps in Virginia, the first named 
having about 900 men. Steuben proceeded to select 400 
from this corps and send them at once to Greene. On 
December 3d, however, a delegation came to his head- 
quarters in Petersburg and presented a paper, signed by 
the officers, complaining of ill usage from the state and 
refusing to march until affairs were placed on a more 
satisfactory basis. Steuben represented to General John 
P. Muhlenberg and Colonels Greene and Harrison the 
serious consequences of this proceeding, and by their in- 
fluence the complaint was withdrawn. Proper equipment 
was provided, and on December 14 the detachment, con- 
sisting of 456 men, started to reinforce Greene. 

Steuben edeavored to continue the policy previously 
indicated of sending forth regular troops to Greene as 
fast as their places could be filled with new recruits. But 
the matter of equipment as well as discipline was ever 
pressing. The remainder of Muhlenberg's corps was 
ordered to Petersburg, and Colonel William Davies sent 
to Chesterfield, a few miles distant, to establish recruit- 
ing headquarters. As soon as two hundred were col- 
lected they were formed in companies of fifty to be sent 
to the army. 

General Greene had already complained of the condi- 
tion of the Virginia troops under his command, which, 
according to his statement, were literally naked, dirty 
and deficient in discipline, and gave notice that no more 
would be received in that condition. He also urged, 
what Steuben had before suggested, the formation of 
provision magazines upon the Roanoke. He tells Steu- 
ben to "Use every argument you can to convince the 
Assembly of the necessity of clothing their troops. If 
they mean they shall render any service, or do not wish 



198 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

[them] to fall a sacrifice to death, desertion and disease, 
I beg them to give their men good covering, for without 
it this will be their portion." 

On December 8 Steuben wrote to Washington de- 
tailing the difficulties with which he had to contend, but 
a repetition would be monotonously uninteresting. As a 
simple illustration the Lawson Corps, previously men- 
tioned, had been created at great expense. But the en- 
listment was only for six months, and by the time the 
men were brought together their terms were so nearly 
expired that it was not worth while to send them to the 
front. Consequently they disbanded without having ren- 
dered any service whatever. 

The year was now closing, and little had been ac- 
complished, but late in December the Assembly directed 
the enlistment of 3,000 men for the war or a draft for 
eighteen months. Steuben considered this force too 
small, but, according to his usual custom, concluded to 
make the best of it, and at once prepared plans for a gen- 
eral rendezvous at Chesterfield, with sub-stations at other 
points. 

The number of recruits assembled at Chesterfield 
does not seem to have exceeded six hundred, and, even 
for this small number, it was difficult to get supplies. 
While the winter climate was materially milder here than 
in the northern states, it was sufficiently severe to cause 
considerable suffering among the poorly-clad troops, who 
were without blankets or sufficient clothing to cover their 
nakedness. A letter from Colonel Davies to Steuben, 
dated December 31, says: "Shoes and blankets, and, in- 
deed, almost every ki nd of clothing, are universally 
wanting. I think not more than one hundred and fifty 
can take the field as at present clad, but with clothing I 
think four hundred might march. Indians are not more 



SHIFTING OF THE CONFLICT 199 

naked, nor half so miserable. We have seventy good 
tents, but we have not, nor have I have been able to get, 
notwithstanding my frequent applications, any cords to 
make loops with." 

Some blankets had, indeed, been collected, but they 
were monopolized by Lawson's Corps, which did not 
need them, as it was disolved, and it is presumed that 
his men carried the blankets home. There was also 
woeful lack of dicipline, officers without men, and men 
without officers. Those in charge of the sub-stations told 
the same story, and we seem to approach the grotesque 
when Colonel Davies asks for a couple of whips and hand 
saws to replace some borrowed ones which they had been 
compelled to return.. The little hospital was over- 
crowded, and three men died in their tents for lack of 
proper care and surroundings. This condition led to 
thievery, and, in one instance, at least a store was broken 
open and valuable articles taken. 

Steuben was unwell at this time, but worked with- 
out ceasing to remedy the situation, intending as soon 
as he had matters in proper shape to join Greene in the 
Carolinas. Greene himself was anxious for this, and, on 
December 28, wrote to Steuben that he was "without 
a single general officer with me in this camp, except Gen- 
eral Huger, who is a brigadier for this state, and not 
desirous of commanding other troops ; it is my wish you 
should come forward as soon as you have made the neces- 
sary arrangements on the Virginia line. We are now in a 
camp of repose, and, could we get clothing, we might im- 
prove our discipline. Your aid in this and many other 
matters will be essential, both to me and the service." 

This desire on the part of both generals was never 
carried out. A new condition of affairs soon arose in Vir- 
ginia, which, as well as Greene's movements in the 



200 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

South, permanantenly separated the two commanders. 

Steuben was now to have his hands more than full 
in the direction of events that finally led to the surrender 
of Cornwallis at Yorktown and the ending of the war. 



CHAPTER XIII. 

ARNOLD'S VIRGINIA CAMPAIGN. 

Invasion of the State Via James River — Capture of Richmond — 
Steuben's Efforts to Save the Dominion Without Men or 
Supplies — Arnold Retreats and is Besieged at Portsmouth — 
Virginia's Loyalty to the Patriot Cause— -Still Aiding Greene 

During previous years of the war Virginia, es- 
pecially along the coast, had not escaped the raids which 
had harrowed the people of the South. The brutal de- 
struction by Matthews, in May, 1779, and the attempt 
by Leslie, in 1780, when Portsmouth was the principal 
sufferer, were still fresh in the memories of the people. 
Now there was a more serious danger at hand. Benedict 
Arnold, zealous to justify himself in the minds of his new 
allies, and glut his revenge on those with whom he 
had been formerly associated, was placed at the head 
of an expedition to Virginia. Clinton, no doubt, de- 
spairing of dividing the northern section of the Con- 
federacy by capturing the posts on the Hudson, natur- 
ally turned his eyes southward, where events had pro- 
vided an active theatre of operations. Virginia was the 
oldest and richest and most populous of the provinces. 
Destroy her resources, and the Southern patriots would 
be paralyzed and the Northerners discouraged. With all 
the territory south of the Potomac reduced to subjection 
it would be impossible for Washington and his army to 
carry on the war much longer. In fact, the year had 
scarcely closed when a mutiny of Pennsylvania troops, 
on account of their miserable condition, threatened the 
most serious consequences, and the outbreak was only 
suppressed by the exercise of the most tactful conduct, 
mingled with firmness. 



202 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

Moved by these considerations, Clinton, in De- 
cember, 1780, dispatched Arnold to Virginia with a com- 
pany of ships carrying 1,600 men. The fleet was dis- 
covered off Willoughby Point, the site of the Jamestown 
Exhibition of 1907, on December 31, and two days later 
it was in the James River. The wretched condition of 
affairs at that time can scarcely be imagined. Every 
available recruit had been sent southward to Greene, and 
the few companies of militia which had been organized 
were worse than useless. It appeared as though all the 
invader had to do was to march through the country, at 
wil, burning, destroying and killing as he went. Steuben 
was the only regular army general in the state, and to 
him the panic-stricken people unconsciously turned. 

The campaign which followed was remarkable in 
more ways than one. That Steuben, by his Herculean 
efforts, saved the state from destruction there is little 
doubt; that with an inferior force he impeded the opera- 
tions of the enemy to such an extent as to nullify largely 
the object of the expedition, and was on the point of 
complete victory, when superseded by Lafayette, is made 
very clear by Mr. Kapp, whose collection and presentation 
of official papers bearing on this part of the war make a 
valuable contribution to American history. Here was a 
campaign of two months' duration, which, in interest, at 
least, was equal to several others of the war, although 
not so dramatic in the way of battles, which seems to have 
largely escaped the attention of other historians. Ban- 
croft devotes twelve lines to it, and Fiske an equal num- 
ber, most of which are taken up by an anecdote concern- 
ing Arnold's conversation with a prisoner. Of course, this 
field was quite a distance from New England, but a pow- 
erful glass, if not inverted, might have shown that con- 
siderable action was going on down there. 



ARNOLD'S VIRGINIA CAMPAIGN 203 

Irving, in his "Life of Washington," gives a satis- 
factory, though brief outline, of this campaign, and in the 
official reports of Steuben and other papers already re- 
ferred to, we have a pretty full account of this crucial 
period of the war. 

The Baron's first report was made to Greene on 
January 8, in which he says : 

"On the 31st of December the Governor informed 
me of a fleet of twenty-seven sail having arrived at Wil- 
loughby point, in consequence of which I immediately dis- 
patched Colonel Senf and Captain Fairlie down to the 
south side to procure intelligence of their strength and 
destination, and General Nelson was sent the same day — 
down the north side — to act as circumstances might re- 
quire. Notwithstanding these precautions, we did not 
receive the least intelligence till the 2d of January, when 
the Governor informed me that nineteen ships, two brigs 
and ten sloops and schooners were in Warrasquiack Bay, 
and were getting under way to proceed up the (James) 
river, and that their destination was Petersburg. I di- 
rectly waited on the Governor and Council, and requested 
four thousand militia might be called out, estimating the 
enemy's force at two thousand five hundred. 

"The distressed situation of the Continental troops 
at Chesterfield Court House would only permit one hun- 
dred and fifty of them to be ordered out. These I formed 
into a battalion and sent to Petersburg to cover the pub- 
lic stores, and at the same time sent Colonel Carrington 
there to remove them. I also took proper measures for 
the removal of the stores and hospital from Chesterfield 
in case the enemy should move that way. 

"The next day, on the 3d of January, we were ad- 
vised of the enemy's arrival at Williamsburg, where Gen- 
eral Nelson had collected about one hundred and fifty 



204 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

militia. Here a flag was sent, to which General Nelson 
returned a verbal answer — that he would defend the 
town. They landed a few troops at Jamestown, but re- 
embarked them immediately up the river. At midnight 
their foremost vessel passed Hood's, where we had a bat- 
tery of two iron ten-pounders and a brass howitzer. 
Three shots were fired, two of which struck the vessel, on 
which the rest of the fleet brought to. A party landing 
below, the militia, about ninety, evacuated the battery, 
and the cannon and howitzer fell into their hands. They 
burnt the carriages of the guns and carried off the how- 
itzer. 

"The 4th, in the morning, we received intelligence 
that the fleet lay at Westover (twenty-five miles below 
Richmond), and were preparing to disembark. It was 
then evident their object was Richmond, and orders were 
immediately given for the removal of the public stores. 
As the enemy had twenty-five miles to march before they 
reached the town, I was in hopes a force would collect 
sufficient at least to check their progress, but, to my sur- 
prise, about one hundred men were all that could be as- 
sembled. These I sent down under command of Major 
Dick, a state officer, to whom I gave orders to harass 
the enemy by firing at them from every favorable piece of 
ground. These orders were, however, badly executed. 
The enemy moved that evening to Four Mile Creek, 
where they encamped about eleven o'clock. 

"What few Continental stores were in town I sent to 
Westham (six miles up the river), having previously 
ordered Major Claiborne up the river to collect boats 
there to transport them across. I also ordered the one 
hundred and fifty Continental troops to march from 
Petersburg and take a position opposite Westham, and, 
Colonel Davies, having sent all the stores and the hos- 



ARNOLD'S VIRGINIA CAMPAIGN 205 

pital from Chesterfield, was ordered to the same place 
with the remainder of his naked troops. The state 
stores, of which there were great quantities in town, were 
under the direction of Colonel M., by whose inactivity 
and downright negligence a great part was lost. Of their 
artillery I secured, myself, five pieces which were 
mounted, the rest, consisting of three brass and a great 
number of iron pieces, fell into the enemy's hands. Not 
a single man, except those I sent out, undertook to op- 
pose the approach of the enemy. I thought it prudent to 
cross the river in the evening and took my quarters in 
Manchester (opposite Richmond), and the next day, 
about twelve o'clock, the enemy took possession of the 
town, havivng marched twenty-five miles with eight hun- 
dred and fifty men and about thirty horses, without re- 
ceiving a single shot. They left about half their force in 
town and proceeded immediately with the rest to West- 
ham, where they burnt all the public buildings, consist- 
ing of a foundry, with a boring mill, powder magazine 
and some small shops, and returned to Richmond the 
same evening. The Continental stores had all been sent 
across the river, and some of the state stores. What part 
was left I have not yet learned. About three hundred 
militia had arrived at Westham on their way down, and 
arms were actualy recrossing for them, but hearing of 
the enemy's approach, and, ,being unarmed, they dis- 
persed. 

"The next morning I ordered the battalion of Con- 
tinental troops, to which I had attached two of the state 
pieces of artillery, to Manchester (opposite Richmond), 
where there were about two hundred militia collected. 
With these I intended to oppose any attempts they might 
make to cross. They, however, did not attempt it, but 
about eleven o'clock began to set fire to the public build- 



206 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

ings, and before one o'clock had entirely gutted the town 
(Richmond). They burnt a rope walk, the public work 
shops and two or three public stores. Two of the in- 
habitants came out with propositions from Arnold to pay 
for half of the tobacco on their giving hostage for the 
delivery of the whole to vessels he should send for it. 
The Governor refused to agree to it. and as they did not 
come out as a flag. I refused their return. The tobacco, 
however, was left unhurt." 

1 .One of Arnold's objects was to capture Governor 
Jefferson at Richmond, but Jefferson left the city the 
preceding night on horseback for Tuckahoe, a village 
some fifteen miles northwest of the capital, where his 
family was staying, desiring to remove them to a point 
more distant from the marauders. This having been ac- 
complished he came down to Manchester the next day in 
time to witness the entry of Arnold's troops into Rich- 
mond. The town had been abandoned by most of the 
citizens, who. from the surrounding hilltops, witnessed 
the devastation of their homes. There seem to have 
been a couple of hundred militia in the place, who also 
retreated to the hills after firing a few volleys. The de- 
tachment which committed the destruction at Westham 
was under command of Colonel Simcoe, after whom one 
of the Canadian lakes, now a summer resort, was named. 
Steuben thus proceeds with his account : 

"The enemy marched that night to their former 
position at Four Mile Creek, where they encamped, and 
yesterday got to Westover. On their return great ex- 
cesses were committed by straggling parties. As there 
were great quantities of grain and flour at the mills near 
Warwick, I marched my little force on the 6th in the even- 
ing to that place. Yesterday I advanced to Osborn's, and 
this day I arived here at Petersburg. I find about four 



ARNOLD'S VIRGINIA CAMPAIGN 207 

hundred and fifty militia here under Colonel Gibson, 
whom I had ordered to take the command in the absence 
of Generals Muhlenberg and Weedon. On the first inti- 
mation of the enemy's approach I wrote these gentlemen, 
but have heard nothing from them. The public stores, 
of which great quantities were in this town, were all re- 
moved by the great exertions of Colonel Carrington and 
Colonel Gibson. Yesterday General Smallwood arrived 
here, and has been so obliging as to stop and afford us 
his assistance. Some vessels of the enemy were sent up 
this river (the Appomattox) to take or destroy some 
merchant vessels lying there, but by the disposition Gen- 
eral Smallwood made with some ships, guns and the 
militia, they were obliged to abandon the enterprise. 
General Nelson, during all this time, was on the other 
side of the river. On the 3d he was twelve miles above 
Williamsburg with one hundred and seventy-five men ; 
the next day he moved four miles higher, and wrote me 
from Long Bridge, on Chickahominy, that the enemy 
were moving down to their shipping, and that the rain 
the preceding night had incapacitated his men for im- 
mediate service. In fact, the enemy returned as they 
went, without a single shot, and have lain quietly at West- 
over in a scattered manner all this day. 

"As the stores were all removed hence and a con- 
siderable force of militia collected, I do not imagine the 
enemy will attack this place. I have some hopes of being 
able to annoy them from Hood's on their return. The 
river there is very narrow, but we have yet no guns. I 
have sent to have those we have there remounted and 
shall march there myself with all the militia I can arm, 
so soon as I hear the enemy are moving down. The 
greatest distress we now feel is want of arms; the great 
part of those belonging to the state were damaged by 



208 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

the militia during the late invasion, or were scattered at 
different places and never collected or repaired. Those 
at Richmond were, on the enemy's approach, sent off in 
such disorder that part of them are not yet found. The 
militia are coming in, and no arms to put in their hands, 
while, on the other side, General Nelson has one thousand 
five hundred stand and only five hundred men." 

By the 11th Steuben had moved his headquarters to 
near Hood's, on the James river, from where he con- 
tinues his report of operations, as follows : 

"The enemy lying still at Westover on the 9th, and 
some vessels which had lain at the mouth of the Ap- 
pomattox, dropping down that day to their fleet, I thought 
it evident they had no design against Petersburg, and 
therefore ordered the few militia who were assembled 
there to march to Prince George Court House, and went 
there myself, that I might be more at hand to prepare 
against any movement of the enemy. The 10th, in the 
morning, I was informed they were embarking their 
troops, and on reconnoitering them myself from Coggin's 
Point, I found their embarkation completed, and the ves- 
sels preparing to sail. 

"It had been found impracticable to remount the 
canon at Hood's, or to prepare any obstruction to their 
passing that place. Of this, however, the enemy were 
ignorant, and, thinking it very probable they would land 
a party to examine these works before they attempted 
to pass, I ordered three hundred infantry and about thirty 
horse, under Colonel Clark (George Rogers) to lie in 
ambush to receive them. About twelve o'clock the fleet 
got under way, and at four o'clock I saw them, from 
Hood's, come to within cannon shot. At dark they 
landed troops for eighteen boats — deserters, say five hun- 
dred — who immediately attacked a small picket we had 




HANOVER COURT HOUSE, VA., ERECTED 1740. 




BLANDFORD CHURCH, VA. 



ARNOLD'S VIRGINIA CAMPAIGN 209 

and pursued them to within forty paces of the ambuscade, 
when our troops gave them a fire, but on returning it 
and charging bayonets, the militia immediately fled." 
After throwing the cannon into the river the enemy re- 
turned to their ships, which at daylight were five miles 
below. I ordered three hundred infantry and two troops 
of horse down to Cabin Point, and encamped with the 
remainder — about five hundred men at this place. As 
an attempt might be made at Williamsburg, and as Gen- 
eral Nelson had only four hundred men, I ordered five 
hundred and sixty militia, who were on their way to join 
me, to cross the river and reinforce him. 

"The next great object for the enemy being Hunt- 
er's works and the stores at Fredericksburg, I wrote the 
Governor to countermand the militia from that quarter. 
General Weedon had already advanced with about three 
hundred and fifty as far as Hanover Court House before 
he received the Governor's letter. It is left with him to 
return or not, according as he, from the knowledge of 
the force that can be collected, may think necessary. I 
cannot yet form any judgment of the future operations 
of the enemy. Should they mean to pillage Williams- 
burg, Nelson's corps may harass, but cannot prevent 
them. If they take possession of Norfolk I shall collect 
what force is necessary and endeavor to keep them in 
check, or if they should go into the Potomac, I shall im- 
mediately march to form a junction with the militia under 
General Weedon and cover Fredericksburg. 

"The militia are coming in from all quarters, but with- 
out arms, for which they apply to me. I have delivered 
about five hundred we had belonging to the Continentals. 
Those of the state were so scattered in removing them 
on the alarm that their officers cannot collect them again. 
The troops have neither tents nor camp kettles. It is im- 



210 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

possible to describe the situation I am in — in want of 
everything, and nothing can be got from the state — 
rather from want of arangement than anything else." 

In a few days Steuben made another report to the 
Board of War, and we cannot do better than to follow 
his detail of succeeding operations : 

"The enemy having passed Hood's on the 13th, I 
marched with seven hundred militia to Cabin Point. The 
Continental troops, being too naked to keep the field, 
were sent back to Chesterfield Court House. On the 14th 
the enemy landed at Hardy's Ferry, twenty-two miles 
below Cabin Point, and began their march towards 
Smithfield. Supposing Colonel Parker, with the militia 
of the lower counties, would opose them in front, I de- 
tailed Major Willis with three hundred infantry and fifty 
horses to harass their rear. My orders were badly exe- 
cuted, and the enemy entered Smithfield on the 15th with- 
out opposition. Having that day received a reinforce- 
ment of four hundred men, I immediately detached them, 
under General Lawson, with orders to march towards 
Smithfield, and act in conjunction with Colonel Parker, 
who, I supposed, had retired towards Suffolk. On Gen- 
eral Lawson's approach the enemy crossed Nansimond 
river at Sleepy Hole and encamped on the opposite bank, 
and General Lawson, being joined by the roops under 
Colonel Parker, occupied Smithfield. The 19th the 
enemy marched to Portsmouth, where Arnold established 
himself, and their vessels fell down to Hampton Roads." 

Arnold had made his raid, and while the history of 
the preceding three weeks had not made a pleasant chap- 
ter for the patriots, it was scarcely more so to the British. 
Considerable property had been destroyed, the forces op- 
posed had not been effective in repelling them, and along 
the river from its mouth to the head of navigation at 



ARNOLD'S VIRGINIA CAMPAIGN 211 

Richmond they had operated pretty much as they pleased. 
But in one important respect the expedition was a lament- 
able failure. In New England, the Middle States and in 
the farther South, wherever the British arms advanced 
they found a strong Tory sentiment which was of great 
aid in facilitating the work of the regular troops, 
but in Virginia it was either non-existent or so small as 
to be of little or no practical significance. The Virginians 
may have displayed mismanagement in defending their 
own firesides, but they had no intention of giving aid and 
comfort to the enemy. Colonel Meade, writing to Alex- 
ander Hamilton, begs leave to "Observe in justice to the 
people at large, that there are fewer disaffected by far in 
his state than any other in the Union, and that the people 
turn out with the utmost cheerfulness. The misfortune 
on the present invasion was, that in the confusion, arms 
were sent everywhere, and no timely plans laid to put 
them into the hands of the men who were assembling. 
The Baron has no doubt given the General the particu- 
lars of the whole affair. He can hardly be himself and 
say anything on the subject that ought not to be credited." 
Of course, the greate rpart of the state was left un- 
touched by Arnold. He never trusted his troops at any 
great distance from his ships, and Steuben's manceuving, 
for, like Washington in 1778-9, he could do but little 
more, confined the raided territory within very narrow 
limits. As an illustration of the deficiencies, even in 
minor details. General Nelson, having a message to send 
from Williamsburg, apologized for transmitting it verb- 
ally, as he had no pen or ink. Governor Jefferson co- 
operated with Steuben to the extent of his power, and 
bore willing testimony to the General's merits. In a letter 
to Washington he declared that the Baron's vigilance had 
in a great measure supplied the want of force in prevent- 



212 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

ing the enemy from crossing the river, which might have 
been very fatal, and that he had been assiduously em- 
ployed in preparing for the militia, as they should assem- 
ble, pointing them to a proper object, and other offices 
of a good commander. James Lovell also wrote to 
Steuben on the 22d, saying : "I am still unable to promise 
you a supply of arms and clothing. But I cannot refrain 
from expressing to you by this opportunity how much 
I am affected with pleasure by any occurrence which re- 
dounds to your glory. The Governor of Virginia men- 
tions very honorably your conduct with a small body of 
militia, of which you have condescended to take the com- 
mand, while a traitorous villain was striving to make ex- 
tensive ravage on James river. I would to God you were 
at the head of a body suitably equipped to execute the 
directions which your great military knowledge enables 
you to give whenever you are in a field of action. I re- 
gret much the mortification which I know your warm 
zeal in our cause must have met with from your inequality 
of men, artillery, and, in short, every means of giving a 
final blow to Arnold's schemes. I regret more that you 
have no prospect but the continuance of such disadvan- 
tages." 

So long as Arnold's ships had command of the sea 
it was impossible to capture or starve him out. He might 
be forced to disembark, but to do this would require a 
stronger and better trained army than was at hand. He 
might be shut off on the land side from making further 
raids, and this Steuben proposed to do. He established 
his headquarters at Smithfield, about twenty-five miles 
northwest of Portsmouth, while Colonel Parker, General 
Lawson and General Muhlenberg had detachments at 
various points, making a semi-circle a few miles outside 
of Portsmouth. General Nelson was stationed at Wil- 



ARNOLD'S VIRGINIA CAMPAIGN 213 

liamsburg with a thousand infantry and some cavalry to 
watch that section. 

With all this on his hands, Steuben did not forget 
Greene, and as soon as he had Arnold safely cooped up 
in Portsmouth, he again turned his attention to raising 
troops for the Southern general. But if the process was 
slow when the people were not excited over invasion, 
it can be imagined what the situation was with the enemy 
within their gates. It was natural that there should be 
objection to raising and equipping troops to be sent per- 
haps hundreds of miles away when they could not rid 
themselves of the invader who had harassed their own 
territory, and was liable to repeat the operation. They 
were unable to see that the whole was greater than any 
one of the parts, and indifference developed into a hos- 
tility which threatened to bring Steuben into conflict not 
only with the people but with the state authorities. Just 
when a soldier ceased to be a militiaman and became a 
Continental was not always clearly defined, and contro- 
versies arose as to liability for expenditures. The Baron 
naturally looked at everything from a national stand- 
point, and could not understand why the interests or de- 
sires of a state should interfere with those of the country 
at large, while among the people the national idea had 
scarcely gained a foothold. Neither Jefferson nor his 
followers had yet realized that there cannot be two heads 
to military movements, and the following from the Gov- 
ernor to Steuben undoubtedly voiced the sentiment of the 
former's partisans: 

"We did not think proper to resign ourselves and 
our country too implicitly to your demands, and thought 
we had some right of judgment left to ourselves. We 
can only be answerable for the orders we give, and not 
for their execution. If they are disobeyed from obstinacy 



214 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

of spirit or want of coercion in the laws it is not our fault. 
We can only endeavor to engage the willing. The Ex- 
ecutive has not by the laws of this state any power to 
call a freeman to labor even for the public good without 
his consent, nor a slave without that of his master." This 
epistle was in answer to a criticism by Steuben upon the 
lack of support given by the state authorities during the 
late invasion. 

Efforts to raise the three thousand militia provided 
by law continued during Februarv, but recruits came 
very slowly. By the 12th four hundred men had been 
collected at Chesterfield, which was doing comparatively 
well under the circumstances. In one instance, where a 
man brought his son, a mere boy, to take his father's 
place, the Baron promptly sent the youth home and placed 
the father in the ranks. The troops started south, but 
had only gone a short distance when the father was tacitly 
allowed to desert. Wholesale desertions of militia were 
not uncommon ; in fact, their enlistment frequently seemed 
like pouring water into a sieve. Even the state authori- 
ties did not always keep faith with the men. For in- 
stance, they would bargain with a man for 6,000 or 7,000 
pounds (Continental money), pay him 1,000 or 1,500, 
and promise the remainder in two or three months. They 
fail to pay, and the soldier deserts, thus relieving the com- 
munity from payment of the balance; at the same time 
it received credit for a recruit furnished. In short, the 
state had no money, provisions or credit. 

During the late civil war there was considerable talk 
concerning shoddy contractors who furnished inferior 
materials to the army. They had their prototypes in the 
Revolution. To cite a few instances, 1,495 yards of cloth 
which the Governor estimated would make 400 suits 
made only 350 coats, as the cloth was only half the guar- 



ARNOLD'S VIRGINIA CAMPAIGN 215 
anteed widths. One day's use wore out the shoes. That 
the petty officers were dishonest under such circum- 
stances and took advantage of the general demoralization 
to enrich themselves is not surprising. 

To prevent the enormous waste which was going on 
Steuben, on April 10, filed an order prohibiting the issue 
of more than a three days' supply of provisions at one 
time without a special order from the commanding gen- 
eral or field officers. 

That Greene appreciated Steuben's difficulties as well 
as the help afforded in spite of them is shown by a letter 
of February 3, in which he says : 

To your address and industry, I feel myself principally in- 
debted for what is coming. Whatever misfortune may happen 
for want of force it is no fault of ours. The Southern States 
are in such a defenceless condition that they must fall under 
the dominion of the enemy unless reinforcements are imme- 
diately sent from the northward. Such destruction of public 
stores is enough to ruin a nation. These are some of the happy 
effects of defending the country with militia, from which "Good 
Lord deliver us!" O, that we had in the field, as Henry V. 
said, some few of the many thousands that are idle at home. 

Probably in reply to this letter, Steuben wrote to 
Greene, on February 17, that a thousand militia had been 
ordered to join him immediately from five counties 
named, and that he was trying to dispatch four or five 
hundred men from Chesterfield. In order to meet 
Greene's needs the Baron aranged with Jefferson to send 
militia from Augusta, Rockingham and Shenandoah 
counties, but none could be found to take their places 
and they refused to leave their homes, so the project was 
abandoned. Augusta was the frontier county, and in- 
cluded what is now Western Pennsylvania. Efforts were 
also made to secure recruits from Delaware and Mary- 
land, but nothing was accomplished. Campbell's detach- 
ment got away on February 25, and four hundred under 
Colonel Greene from Chesterfield. Third, fourth and 



216 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

fifth detachments were promised on April 1, April 15 and 
May 1, but they were not sent. Virginia appeared to be 
a squeezed lemon so far as sending more troops south- 
ward was concerned, and, besides, there was soon to be 
another shifting of action in respect to the war that was 
to make a most radical change in every direction, both 
in the personnel of the actors in Virginia and in their 
operations. 



CHAPTER XIV. 

GREENE AND STEUBEN. 

Their Operations in the Carolinas and Virginia — Victories and 
Good Generalship Recover the Carolinas — Arnold Bottled 
Up in Portsmouth and Cornwallis in Wilmington — Arnold 
Save Through Refusal of the French Commander to Co- 
operated — Arrival of Lafayette — Steuben Still Has the Bur- 
den — Second Foray Up the James — Capture of Petersburg 
and Richmond. 

It may help us to a better understanding of subse- 
quent events in Virginia if we leave that state for a short 
time and follow Greene in his operations. The Southern 
Army, notwithstanding some small victories by indepen- 
dent partisan bands, had not recovered from the demorali- 
zation caused by the defeat of Gates. Greene's entire 
force, about two thousand strong, was less than two- 
thirds that of Cornwallis, while its efficiency, through lack 
of supplies and discipline, had been reduced almost to 
the vanishing point. But in addition to his own ability 
Greene had with him subordinate officers of exceptional 
bravery and genius. Sumter, Marion and Morgan, with 
their little bands, had prevented the fire of patriotism 
from being utterly extinguished and now, in addition, 
were Kosciusko, the Hungarian patriot; Henry Lee, the 
famous lighthouse cavalryman, and Lieutenant-Colonel 
Washington, a distant relative of the commander-in- 
chief. There was here an assemblage of brains and brav- 
ery which went far to offset the disparity of strength 
between the two armies. It was, of course, Greene's 
policy to avoid a general engagement until he could put 
his army in better condition and receive the expected re- 
inforcements from Virginia. In the meantime he divided 



218 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

his force into two sections, taking the larger part, about 
one thousand one hundred strong, to Cheraw Hill, South 
Carolina, from which point Lee and Marion threatened 
to cut off the communications of Cornwallis with the 
coast, while to the west were Morgan and Washington, 
with the aid of the militia, threatening the inland posts 
held by the British. Cornwallis now had a hostile army 
on both flanks. If he moved on Greene the interior posts 
were in clanger, while if he went the other way Greene 
would go to Charleston and effectually cut him off from 
the sea. His only other course was to move northward 
into North Carolina, which he did with two thousand 
men, leaving one thousand one hundred under Tarleton 
to look after Morgan. In these movements both parties 
seemed to defy the elementary rules of modern warfare. 
Keep your own force together and beat the enemy in 
detail was a military axiom never violated without peril, 
but here both sides were doing this to the fullest extent. 
On January 7 Tarleton and Morgan met at the 
Cowpens (a name given to a general cattle coral in the 
grazing district), and Tarleton was completely routed. 
The British lost two hundred and thirty killed and 
wounded and six hundred prisoners, while the remaining 
two hundred and seventy were so scattered and demor- 
alized as to be utterly useless as an army. Morgan, by 
a forced march, now rejoined Greene, and the whole army 
moved northward, with Cornwallis following. It was 
Greene's plan to draw his opponent as far as possible 
from his base, and the plan succeeded admirably. On 
February 9 he reached Guilford Court House, North 
Carolina, about thirty miles south of the Virginia border, 
and there he determined to await Cornwallis, in the mean- 
time urging Steuben to hurry forward the promised re- 
inforcements. But, as we have seen, although Steuben 



GREENE AND STEUBEN 219 

now had Arnold practically shut up in Portsmouth, yet 
it was impossible to furfill Greene's expectations. Never- 
theless the latter, by good generalship, managed to keep 
Cornwallis at bay until March 15. By that time all the 
troops which Steuben could send from Virginia had ar- 
rived, and these, with accessions from other quarters, 
brought the army up to four thousand four hundred and 
four men, while Cornwallis had been reduced to two 
thousand two hundred and thirteen ; all, however, hard- 
ened veterans, while fully half of Greene's was made up 
of raw recruits. A battle opened here in the morning 
and continued all day with varying fortune, but in the 
evening Cornwallis secured possession of a hill from 
which it was impossible to dislodge him. He held the hill 
for a couple of days, and then retreated to Wilmington, 
the nearest seaport, having lost over one-fourth of his 
army and throwing open the southern provinces to 
Greene, who did not hesitate to take advantage of the 
situation. Leaving Cornwallis to figure out what he 
should do next he returned directly south on April 6, and 
within three months had reduced nearly every British 
post in South Carolina, and the victory at Eutaw Springs 
on September 8 shut the remnant of the British army up 
in Charleston, while the state government resumed its 
usual functions. This ended the war in the far South so 
far as large military operations were concerned. The 
British still held Charleston and Savannah, but the three 
states of North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia 
were now practically under American control and re- 
mained so until the close of the war. 

We can now return to Virginia, where events had 
been moving so rapidly that the Old Dominion by this 
time occupied the centre of the stage. During the month 
of February Muhlenberg, under Steuben's direction, con- 



220 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

tinued to watch Arnold in Portsmouth much as a cat 
does a mouse which it cannot reach, but which it is ready 
to pounce upon should it attempt to come out of its shel- 
ter. Unfortunately the shelter in this case had a back 
door, namely the water, over which the mouse could es- 
cape if the situation should become desperate. On the 
16th, however, three French war vessels were discerned 
at the mouth of James river, supposed to be the advance 
guard of a large fleet. Surely the mouse was now 
trapped, and Nelson wrote at once to Steuben, "What 
you expected has taken place. I give you joy with all 
my soul. Now is our time; not a moment ought to be 
lost!" 

The rejoicing, however, was premature. The three 
vessels had left the main fleet off Rhode Island and were 
making a cruise from New York to Charleston. But it 
was hoped by Steuben that there was sufficient force to 
accomplish his purpose, and he sent Captain Duponceau 
to arrange with the French commander, De Tilly, for the 
movement on Portsmmouth. At first it seemed as though 
the project would be carried out. General Gregory was 
ordered to collect a force along Dismal Swamp, which 
began at Portsmouth, and be in readiness to move at 
Steuben's direction, and an express service was estab- 
lished between his camp and Suffolk, county seat of Isle 
of Wight County, by means of which orders could be 
transmitted in a few hours. General Muhlenberg ad- 
vanced from Suffolk to within sixteen miles of Ports- 
mouth, and General Nelson, at Williamsburg, was or- 
dered to hold himself in readiness to march as soon as 
needed. Williamsburg was to be covered by General 
Weedon's corps, which would come from Fredericksburg, 
and guard a battery at Newport News, which was 
erected to protect the French fleet should it be compelled 



GREENE AND STEUBEN 221 

to retire to York river. There were six or seven armed 
merchant vessels in the James river which were expected 
to be used as auxiliaries to the fleet. Boats were col- 
lected to transport troops and munitions across the river, 
among the latter there being eight eighteen-pound cannon 
and two mortars. The militia were so encouraged by the 
situation that General Muhlenberg advanced towards 
Portsmouth and surprised a picket guard, and, after a 
skirmish, in which two men were killed, captured a ser- 
geant, twelve privates, a wagon and two horses. He was 
now within a mile and a-half of the town, and every- 
thing promised a speedy capture. But the best laid plan 
of men, if not mice, gang aft a glee, as was now discov- 
ered. The French commander refused to go up the Eliza- 
beth river, which was virtually a part of the bay, where 
Arnold had anchored his vessels, on the plea that it was 
unsafe, and stated that he proposed to leave as soon as 
the wind permitted. The golden opportunity of captur- 
ing Arnold, something specially desired by Washington, 
was needlessly thrown away. The disappointment of 
officers and men who were thus balked of their prey was 
very keen, and it was not surprising that many de- 
nounced the French alliance which so far had not ex- 
hibited a single tangible result, although, as we have 
shown, the indirect benefit was very great. 

In the meantime Washington, no doubt without de- 
tailed knowledge of the fact that Steuben had Arnold 
practically in his power, and could beyond doubt have 
captured him with his entire force had there been proper 
co-operation on the part of the French commander, de- 
cided to make a move which would relieve Virginia of 
this invasion, and for that purpose proposed to utilize 
the main body of the French fleet and a portion of the 
land forces which were still lying idle at Newport. Ad- 



222 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

miral Destouches agreed to sail for the Chesapeake to 
blockade Arnold, and carried with him a corps of one 
thousand one hundred and twenty French infantry de- 
tached from Rochambeau's force. At the same time a 
corps of twelve hundred light infantry with some artil- 
lery was detached from the American force around New 
York and sent over land in charge of General Lafayette, 
who was expected to reach Virginia in time to co-operate 
with the French fleet in the capture of Portsmouth. 
Washington on February 20 notified Steuben of the pro- 
posed expedition, urging him to make such arrangements 
with respect to the militia and supplies and take such 
position as he judged would be most conducive to the 
success of the enterprise. Lafayette was instructed to 
open a correspondence with Steuben, informing the latter 
of his approach, and requesting him to have a sufficient 
body of militia ready to act in conjunction with the new 
arrivals. Washington's parting injunction was that 
should Arnold be captured he was not to be treated as an 
ordinary prisoner of war, but summarily executed. La- 
fayette on February 24 wrote to Steuben from Morris- 
town, declaring that "nothing will be wanting to hurry 
the detachment, which you will find to be an excellent 
body of troops. I hope the French ships will strictly 
blockade Mr. Arnold, and as your position will no doubt 
exclude the possibility of his taking any advantage by 
land, I hope we may, before long, give a good account 
of him. Should he by chance make any proposition, no 
communication ought to be held with him that might 
countenance any pretension to his being a prisoner of 
war." 

Lafayette and his force marched south, and on his 
arriving at the Head of Elk, which is about forty miles 
northeast of Baltimore, at the upper end of Chesapeake 



GREENE AND STEUBEN 223 

Bay, on March 3d, he wrote to General Muhlen- 
berg : "In all cases I am to request you that no communi- 
cation be held with Arnold that may in any way give him 
the least claim to the advantages of a prisoner of war." 
From all of which it appears that the capture of Arnold 
was looked upon as the principal object of the expedition. 
As may be supposed. Steuben did not look on this 
new movement with any great degree of satisfaction. In 
the face of tremendous difficulties and mainly with the 
help of untrained militia, he had forced Arnold into 
Portsmouth, which with the co-operation of a suitable 
naval force he felt sure of capturing. The mouse had 
been almost within his grasp, and had it not been for the 
refusal of the French naval commander to blockade the 
mouth of the river the British must surely have surren- 
dered. Now when he had matters in better shape than 
ever, with the French fleet almost in sight, he could bring 
the campaign to an end with advantage to the country 
and credit to himself. In a letter to Greene, dated March 
3, he thus expresses himself: 

Tomorrow I set out for Williamsburg to finish my prepara- 
tions for the arrival of the marquis and fleet. I have com- 
municated to him the plan of operation I should have followed 
had the fleet been here to assist me. I think the same plan, 
with very little alterations should now be adopted. I flatter 
myself that a marquis and minus six hundred troops that are 
coming, it would have been in my power to have delivered to 
you Mr. Arnold, but this honor is reserved for another. But 
do not think, my dear general, that this idea, however mortify- 
ing, will in the least relax my zeal in the affair; on the con- 
trary, I hope the marquis will find everything prepared for his 
arrival. 

The Baron was not one to sulk in his tent when 
there was a duty to be performed, and he went vigorously 
to work collecting supplies for the coming of Lafayette, 
boats, horses and provisions, with the usual scarcity of 



224 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

everything that was needed. Muhlenberg had only eight 
rounds of ammunition and provisions for four days, so 
that had the promised reinforcement from the state ar- 
rived, it would doubtless have been of little use. Steuben 
had declared that the fortifications of Portsmouth could 
be taken sword in hand, but this idea was based on the 
expectation of having the "swords" to do it with, which 
in this case meant ammunition, etc. 

As stated, Lafayette arived with his troops at Elk 
Head on March 3, from which point they were trans- 
ferred to Annapolis by water. As it would be useless to 
move the troops to Portsmouth until the arrival of the 
fleet, Lafayette took an open boat down the Chesapeake 
bay to arrange with Steuben for a convoy and other 
necessaries. He found the latter at Yorktown on the 
14th, full of business and expecting the co-operation of 
five thousand militia. Lafayette wrote to Washington 
the next day, giving a summary of the situation, con- 
cluding, "In your first letter to the Baron, I wish, my 
dear General, you would write to him that I have been 
much satisfied with his preparations. I want to please 
him, and harmony shall be my first object." 

We have already seen, however, that the expected 
resources were largely on paper, although the ultimate 
failure of the expedition cannot be charged to this cause. 
The French fleet was already due, but there was no sign 
of it. While waiting Lafayette went down to Muhlen- 
berg's camp at Suffolk on the 10th, and while there had 
a light skirmish with the enemy. But Steuben never re- 
laxed his operations ; Arnold's outposts were attcked and 
all communication with the country was cut off. His 
capture was regarded as a certainty, and when, on the 
20th, a large fleet was seen entering the bay there was 
jubilation among the Americans. The fleet came in 



GREENE AND STEUBEN 225 

slowly, and it was not until the 23d that the colors on the 
vessels were discovered to be British and not French. 
Admiral Arbuthnot had followed D'Estouches down the 
coast, and had engaged the latter sixty miles off the en- 
trance of Chesapeake bay. The result appeared to be a 
drawn battle, but the French admiral turned back to 
Newport to repair damages, a most fatal procedure for 
the Americans, while the British proceeded to Ports- 
mouth for the same purpose, a situation which could not 
have been more favorable to Arnold. 

Lafayette, who seems to have construed his orders 
to limit his Southern operations simply to the capture of 
Arnold, as soon as he learned the new situation of affairs, 
returned to Annapolis, from where he transported his 
army back to Elk Head, with the intention of again join- 
ing Washington in the North. 

By this time the British force in Virginia was 
greatly augmented, and Clinton had sent General Phil- 
lips with two thousand men to relieve Arnold. The latter 
was subsequently sent back to New York, and Phillips 
was now in command at Portsmouth with about three 
thousand five hundred troops. Steuben's force was not 
able to confine this army inside of Portsmouth, and it 
was evident that Virginia was to suffer yet more largely 
from the ravages of war. But notwithstanding Steuben 
went to work with the object of at least saving the stores 
and supplies which had been collected at various points 
if he could not check the enemy. The next day after the 
arrival of Phillips he ordered Muhlenberg to concentrate 
all his troops at one point, which it would be impossible 
to do after Phillips had begun to move. Colonel Parker, 
who had a difficult journey across Dismal Swamp, suc- 
ceeded in uniting with the main force, so that by April 
3 he was able to report to Steuben that in his judgment 



226 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

his division, located near Suffolk, was in the best position 
either to prevent the enemy from making hostile ex- 
cursions into the country or to keep pace with them 
should they move up James river, which was anticipated. 
But desertions soon crippled his force to such an extent 
as to endanger the safety of his command, and he was 
forced to retire farther back into the country. 

It may be remarked here that while Lafayette was 
in camp Steuben had formulated a plan for driving the 
British not only out of Virginia but freeing the entire 
South. It was to take the whole body of militia and 
march to Greene's assistance in North Carolina, and then 
move directly on Cornwallis, who would be forced to call 
on Phillips to save him. He had four thousand men as- 
sembled, and with an additional two thousand for thirty 
days it looked as though the operation would be success- 
ful. But the state government, which claimed to control 
the militia, was incapable of taking such a broad view 
of operations. 

Its reply was that although the proposition seemed 
to be founded on very probable principles, yet as the 
number of arms that such a detachment would carry 
with them was greater than the number which would re- 
main in the state, it would be a measure unjustifiable in 
the present circumstances of affairs, the enemy having 
lately received a great reinforcement; that although the 
militia at present in service would be unable to resist the 
whole force of the enemy in any quarter, yet, being 
strangers to their certain intentions, the militia would be 
able to repel the incursions of detachments, which other- 
wise would be rendered impracticable for want of arms. 

While the reasoning which lead to this conclusion 
was clearly faulty, yet as it emanated from the powers 
that be there was nothing to do but submit, and Steuben 



GREENE AND STEUBEN 227 

turned once more to the task of trying to make bricks 
without straw. His report to Washington on April 15 
gives a graphic picture of his unsatisfactory situation. 
Writing from Chesterfield Court House, he says : 

My situation is not the most agreeable, as I am obliged to 
undertake the defense against three thousand regular troops, 
with nothing to oppose them but militia, whose numbers de- 
crease every day. Those who have served since the beginning 
of the invasion have discharged themselves and are not replaced 
by others, in consequence of which General Muhlenberg is left 
on the south side of the river (James) with only seven hundred 
men, and General Weedon on the north side with about six 
hundred men. If the enemy have any intention to penetrate 
the country, the opposition we can make will avail little. 

A very great evil resulting from the invasion is, that it 
stops recruiting for the army. So long as a county has any 
militia in the field, so long that county is prevented from draft- 
ing, and as most of the counties have had part of their militia 
either here or with General Greene, little or nothing has been 
done in the business. Only fifty-two have yet come in, and of 
these some have already deserted. Some who came as substi- 
tutes have received twenty-five and thirty thousand pounds 
(paper) for eighteen months. 

Then follows the usual report as to lack of arms, 
horses for cavalry and pretty much everything else 
needed for an army. He concludes by stating that he 
had asked Greene to call him to the front, which would 
be infinitely preferable to the Sisyphonian task in which 
he was now engaged. In fact, he had written to Greene 
on April 2, saying: "If I preferred my own inclinations 
to the public interest I should immediately set out to join 
you; my desire to act under your immediate directions, 
and the disgust I have from my situation here are mo- 
tives equally forcible to urge my departure hence. I, 
however, think it is my duty to remain here till I am to 
bring my first detachment with me, which I intend shall 
amount to five hundred infantry and sixty to eighty cav- 
alry, and for this I am now exerting my very utmost." 

That Greene appreciated the Baron's work, and 



228 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

deeply sympathized with him in his discouragements, is 
evident from a letter which he wrote on April 3, probably 
before the epistle quoted above had reached him, in which 
he says : 

I see and feel for your disagreeable situation, and anything 
that is in my power you may command. But if you leave Vir- 
ginia all things will run into confusion, and I am so far from 
thinking that you are disgraced by your command in Virginia, 
that everybody allows you have acquired great credit, and 
though it is not of that splendid kind, it is neverthe- 
less very honorable, and is founded upon the same 
line of conduct from which General Washington has 
justly acquired so much honor — I mean that of guarding 
against misfortune. My greatest expectations of support are 
from Virginia, drawn forth under your regulations and arrange- 
ments. If you leave them, state policy and partial views will 
counteract all the support we may expect from that quarter, 
and we shall all fall together to the southward. Nothing in my 
power shall be wanting to do justice to your reputation, and I 
feel my obligations to you for your exertions. Should you 
wish to join the army, you shall most readily have my consent, 
for I am greatly in want of your aid here as well as there, but 
it is my opinion that you can be more extensively useful there 
than here. 

On April 6, Greene having no doubt in the mean- 
time received Steuben's letter of the 3d, replied, again 
giving his consent for the latter to come to the front, 
but adding, "However, my dear Baron, when you con- 
sider the critical and disagreeable situation I am in, the 
little prospect I have of acquiring glory, and the almost 
certain disgrace that will accompany my manoeuvres, 
from the nature and constitution of our army, and from 
the many difficulties I have to combat, and compare your 
situation with mine, you may think yourself happy that 
you are not in as perplexing a state as I am. I wish both 
our prospects were better, but mine, of all men, is the 
most disagreeable. Let us labor and faint not ; haply 
we may get through the thorny path in due time, and by 
ways and means not very clear to either at present." 



GREENE AND STEUBEN 229 

With this kind of patriot's faith, although the clouds 
were very dark and lowering the final outcome, under 
the protection of a favoring Providence was certain, and 
deliverance was already nearer than the leaders in this 
great drama supposed. For six weary years had the war 
dragged along, more wearing even on the moral and 
mental faculties of those who were conducting it than on 
the material interests of the country. After all, one great 
goal had been reached. The traitors, the sycophants 
and incompetents in the higher branches of the service 
had been weeded out by the progress of events, and the 
military machine, although in many, and, in fact, most 
places, was badly out of shape, yet was operated for the 
most part in harmony. Washington in the North, 
Steuben in the Centre and Greene in the South, under- 
stood each other thoroughly, and had bent all their ability 
and energy solely to the advancement of the cause, with- 
out selfish ambition, but only considering the interests of 
their common country. The Civil War furnishes a 
parallel to this in the closing work of Grant, Sherman 
and Sheridan, although the surroundings were very dif- 
ferent. 

That the enemy had the intention of penetrating the 
country soon became evident, and Steuben set himself to 
work to hinder his progress as much as possible. He 
gave directions for the entire militia to turn out in what- 
ever section the British might appear. If Muhlenberg 
was attacked he was to retire to Petersburg to protect the 
upper country as far as possible, but should they turn 
south towards North Carolina, then the flank was to be 
harassed continuously in order to delay their junction 
with Cornwallis by which that General might be able to 
overwhelm Greene. Muhlenberg was to remain at 
Petersburg in case the enemy should come up James 



230 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

river. Nelson was ordered to follow Phillips, and the 
battery at Hood's, not being considered defensible, stores 
in the neighborhod were ordered carried to Petersburg. 
They had not long to wait until Phillips manifested 
by his movements which route he intended taking. Leav- 
ing a garrison at Portsmouth, whose fortifications had 
been strengthened, he started on April 16 for the James 
with twenty-five flat boats, each carrying a hundred men. 
According to Steuben's orders Muhlenberg had removed 
all stores on the right or south bank of the river from 
the lower counties to Prince George Court House, about 
sixty miles northwest of Suffolk, and six miles from 
Petersburg. Steuben, not deeming them safe even here, 
had them moved into the country above Richmond. It 
must be remembered that Richmond was at the head of 
navigation on the James, and unless he considered his 
force strong enough to overcome all obstacles Phillips 
was not likely to leave his boats so far away that they 
would not be a refuge in case of retreat. While Muhlen- 
berg was gathering stores on the south side of the river 
Colonel Innes was doing the same on the north side, 
and preparing for any emergency. On the ISth the 
enemy reached Pagaa's Creek, below Jamestown Island, 
and on the next day Muhlenberg, keeping ahead of Phil- 
lips, marched to Cabin Point, a short distance above. On 
the 20th the enemy reached Jamestown and landed at 
Sandy Point the next day. We do not hear of them ac- 
complishing anything special at this place, but they no 
doubt committed depreciations wherever they stopped. 
Steuben was at Chesterfield Court House, about half way 
between Richmond and Petersburg, where he was or- 
ganizing a cavalry corps, and, as usual, looking after 
stores. On the 23 Phillips landed at Westover, on the 
left side of the river, and easily dispersed the five hun- 



GREENE AND STEUBEN 231 

dred militia there, only two hundred of whom were 
armed. As Arnold had plundered this place a little over 
two months before the British probably did not find much 
to destroy, although it is said they committed some depre- 
dations. The militia were ordered in all cases to avoid 
a general engagement, which could only lead to a dis- 
astrous defeat with useless sacrifice of life, but to harass 
the enemy and impede his operations as much as possible. 
Matters certainly looked bad, and Steuben writes to 
Washington that there was not a single company of regu- 
lar troops in the state, and the militia were too inex- 
perienced to hope for the least resistance from them. 
This time the British did not stay long at Westover, but 
crossing the river on the 24th, landed at City Point, at the 
mouth of the Appomattox river, twelve miles from 
Petersburg. Steuben had gone over to the latter place 
from Chesterfield the same day and taken charge of af- 
fairs there. We will let him tell the story of subsequent 
operations : 

"I reconnoitred the enemy's fleet, then lying off 
Westcver, and consisting of thirteen topsail vessels and 
twenty-three flat-bottomed boats full of men. The whole 
number of troops on board I judged to be about two 
thousand five hundred, a Hessian sergeant who deserted 
to us made them three thousand. The fleet of the enemy 
soon came to sail, and stood up the river toward City 
Point, which continued to keep me in doubt on which 
side they would debark. I therefore ordered the militia 
under command of General Muhlenberg to retire to the 
vicinity of Blandford, a short distance from Petersburg. 
The same evening the enemy landed all their force at 
City Point, which fully evinced that their first object was 
Petersburg. Being obliged to send large detachments to 
the neck of land between Appomattox and James rivers, 



232 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

I had not more than one thousand men left to oppose the 
enemy's advance. In this critical situation there were 
many reasons against risking a total defeat — the loss of 
arms was a principal one, and, on the other hand, to re- 
tire without some show of resistance, would have inti- 
midated the inhabitants and encouraged the enemy to 
further incursions. This last consideration determined 
me to defend the place as far as our inferiority in num- 
bers would permit. I made choice of Blandford as the 
place of defense, and the bridge of Pocahontas as our re- 
treat; the troops were disposed accordingly, and passed 
the night under arms. 

"The morning of the 25th I was informed that the 
enemy was within three miles of our advanced posts, and 
that eleven, flat-bottomed boats, with troops, were at the 
same time moving up Appomattox river. Towards noon 
the enemy came in sight, formed themselves and de- 
ployed to their left, but it was near three o'clock before 
the firing commenced, which continued from post to post 
till past five o'clock, when the superior number of the 
enemy and a want of ammunition obliged me to order the 
retreat and the bridge to be taken up, which was executed 
in the greatest order, notwithstanding the fire of the 
enemy's cannon and muketry. The troops, with the same 
good order, retreated to this place (Chesterfield), where 
they pre just encamped. I am not yet able to ascertain 
our loss, but believe it not great. I do not think the 
enemy took a single prisoner. The enemy's loss I am 
also unable to form any judgment of. General Muhlen- 
berg merits my particular acknowledgements for the good 
disposition which he made, and the great gallantry with 
winch he executed it. Indeed, the gallant conduct of all 
the officers and the particular good behavior of the men, 
must, I am persuaded, have attracted the admiration of 



GREENE AND STEUBEN 233 

the enemy. I have the pleasure to say that our troops 
disputed the ground with the enemy inch by inch, and the 
manoeuvres were executed with the greatest exactness." 

"Governor Jefferson congratulated Steuben on the 
resistance which the raw militia under him gave to the 
trained troops, and later wrote to Washington that "The 
enemy was received by Steuben with a body of militia 
somewhat under one thousand, who, though the enemy 
were two thousand three hundred strong, disputed the 
ground very handsomely for two hours, during which 
time the enemy gained one mile only, and that by inches." 

Greene wrote to the same effect, and, and although 
Irving mentions Muhlenberg alone in connection with 
this action, it is clear that he acted in a subordinate ca- 
pacity under Steuben's direct supervision. 

Phillips burned the tobacco warehouses in Peters- 
burg and destroyed all the vessels lying in the river, re- 
peating the destruction at Chesterfield, which was also 
abandoned. 

While this was going on a detachment under Arnold 
burned the tobacco magazines at Warwick, a little town 
in the neighborhood, and opened fire on some small 
armed vessels in the James, the fleet which had been col- 
lected when the first effort was made to blockade Arnold 
at Portsmouth, but which was defeated through the re- 
fusal of the French naval commander to co-operate. The 
crews sunk or burned the ships and escaped to the upper 
side of the James. 

Phillips and Arnold pursued their course up the 
James, burning and plundering, until they reached Man- 
chester, opposite Richmond, from whence they could view 
the capital by the light of blazing warehouses. 

During this expedition some smaller detachments 
practically unopposed carried on similar exploits on some 



234 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

of the other rivers in the Virginia tidewater region. One 
of these going up the Potomac stopped at Mount Vernon, 
where Lund Washington, a relative of the General, had 
charge. By furnishing the British with provisions he 
prevented the ravaging of the estate, for which he was 
severely reprimanded by the owner. But the country has 
looked very leniently on this action, which saved the his- 
toric estate from destruction. 



CHAPTER XV. 

THE WAR IN VIRGINIA. 

Lafayette Ordered to Steuben's Assistance — Cornwallis Moves 
Northward — Steuben Prepares to Oppose Him — Magazines 
of Supplies Formed and Recruits Gathered — Lafayette Re- 
treats to Fredericksburg — Steuben Extricates Himself From 
Point of Fork — Important Stores Saved — Brilliant Tactics — 
Cornwallis Outwitted — Steuben Gives Up Going South, 
and Requested to Join Lafayette. 

While Virginia was being ravaged by this desultory- 
warfare, what had become of Lafayette and the one 
thousand two hundred Continental troops which Wash- 
ington had sent to aid in capturing Arnold or driving him 
out of the state? They were still at the head of Chesa- 
peake bay preparing to march back to the northern army. 
But the arrival of General Phillips made it apparent to 
Washington that Steuben with his handfull of militia 
would be unable to cope with this increased force, to say 
nothing of Cornwallis in North Carolina, whose move- 
ments were yet uncertain, whether he would follow 
Greene to southward or turn northward and join the 
enemy in Virginia. Accordingly the Commander-in- 
chief sent a courier with all haste to Lafayette, directing 
him to proceed at once to the help of Steuben. The mes- 
senger arived at Elk Head on April 8, and, as the British 
fleet controlled the lower bay, an overland march was 
determined upon. A new difficulty here arose. Most of 
Lafayette's troops were New Englanders, who feared the 
Southern climate, although it could hardly be considered 
dangerous in April, and the difference had not been suf- 
ficiently marked to prevent Virginia troops from serving 
in Massachusetts, so thev refused to move. Desertions 



236 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

followed, but Lafayette made an appeal to their patriotic 
pride by announcing that he was about to start on a dan- 
gerous enterprise, and hoped that none of his comrades 
would leave him, but if any were deterred by the prospect 
he would issue permits for them to return North. That 
was the end of the disaffection, and it is said that a lame 
sergeant, afraid of being left behind, hired a place in a 
cart in order to go with the others. The army was so 
poorly equipped that it was hardly fit to proceed into an 
enemy's country, for such in a certain sense Virginia had 
now become, and to remedy this Lafayette pledged his 
own credit with Baltimore merchants for goods which 
the patriotic women made into summer clothing, also 
hats, shoes, etc. 

It was about two hundred miles to Richmond, but 
by a forced march Lafayette arrived there on April 29, 
the evening before Phillips and Arnold appeared at Man- 
chester, on the other side of the river, and was joined by 
Steuben with his militia the same night. The two little 
armies together numbered about four thousand men, and 
the British general concluded not to attempt the crossing 
of the river in the face of that obstacle, so Richmond was, 
for the present, saved from a second visitation. 

Lafayette, being the ranking commander, took 
charge of the movements and collected the small boats 
and stores above the falls out of reach of the enemy, who 
being unable to accomplish anything more in that neigh- 
borhood, dropped down the river to a point opposite 
Cobham. Lafayette in a letter to Washington at that 
time expresses the belief that Phillips's intention was to 
go on to Williamsburg and gather up the stores which 
had been collected there. This induced him to take an 
inland position between the Chickahominy and Pamun- 
key rivers, where he could protect other sections of the 



THE WAR IN VIRGINIA 237 

state while still covering Richmond, and send a detach- 
ment of militia under General Nelson towards Williams- 
burg. If this was Phillips's intention he changed his 
mind on hearing that Cornwallis was en route to Vir- 
ginia, and concluded to join him at or near Petersburg. 
On the 5th of May Phillips started up the Appomattox 
river, and four days later entered Petersburg without 
opposition. There he died of fever, leaving Arnold once 
more in command. 

Our last view of Cornwallis was his arrival at Wil- 
mington, North Carolina, to which point he had been 
forced by Greene's superior generalship like debris cast 
on shore by an incoming wave. He was in a quandary. 
To attempt a pursuit of Greene, who had already turned 
south with a good start, would be most hazardous. To 
return by water to Charleston or Savannah, after having 
been manoeuvred out of the country, would simply expose 
himself to ridicule, and he could not stay where he was 
if he expected to take any further part in the war. He 
was, of course, informed of the operations in Virginia, 
and it occurred to him that if he could unite his force 
with Phillips, and perhaps get further aid from Clinton, 
the richest and strongest state in the Confederation might 
be completely subdued, the North and South separated 
and beaten in detail, and the war brought to a speedy con- 
clusion. With this scheme in view, and without the 
sanction of Clinton, Cornwallis left Wilmington on April 
25, and on May 20 reached Petersburg, where he took 
command of the combined forces, Arnold being ordered 
back to New York. Cornwallis now had a force of 
nearly five thousand men besides the Portsmouth garri- 
son, with only three thousand opposed to him, and with 
the further expectation of Tory help. In the latter he 
was grieviously disappointed, as had been Arnold and 



238 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

Phillips. Virginia, though overrun by the enemy, re- 
mained solidly loyal to the patriot cause, and had it not 
been for the smoking ruins of homes and the devastation 
of the farms, the course of the invader through the coun- 
try would have been as the passage of a ship through the 
waters ; when the agitation stirred up by the keel has sub- 
sided, the waters close up and leave no trace. Neverthe- 
less there was great alarm. It was proposed to call for 
Washington and make him dictator. Cooler heads dis- 
couraged the latter proposition; nevertheless it was ap- 
parent that matters were converging to a focus. Lafay- 
ette made a stand at Wilton, about twenty miles below 
Richmond, but Cornwallis crossed the river at Westover, 
and, being further reinforced, drove him back into the 
country. 

The arrival of Lafayette relieved Steuben from di- 
rect responsibility, but he continued to render every aid 
in his power, not forgetting Greene in the general tur- 
moil. With the approval of Lafayette he established a 
rendezvous at Albemarle barracks, northwest of Rich- 
mond, in a comparatively safe locality. But recruiting 
was slower than ever, and he again expresed the desire 
to join Greene as soon as he should complete his present 
work. Greene had anticipated his desire, and in a letter 
dated May 1 asks the Baron to join him as soon as possi- 
ble, for he was badly needed, and bring with him such 
troops as he could get together. Steuben presented this 
letter to Jefferson and Lafayette, and it was thought that 
about one thousand five hundred men could be gathered 
at Albemarle barracks, and when put in condition could 
be ordered to reinforce Greene or Lafayette as the oc- 
casion might demand. It was subsequently decided, how- 
ever, that Albemarle was too remote for convenience, and 
the Point of Fork, on James River, about sixty miles 



THE WAR IN VIRGINIA 239 

northwest of Richmond, was substituted. The Marquis 
desired Steuben to hasten there and prepare for the ex- 
pected one thousand five hundred recruits, but the highest 
number received was five hundred and fifty, and even 
these were poorly equipped. 

The principal depot for state supplies was now at 
Point of Fork, and from the movements of the enemy 
Steuben was satisfied that they could not remain there 
with safety. So he ordered all boats possible up from 
Richmond to assist in their removal, and on May 29th 
took up his position there for that purpose.. Four days 
later he wrote to Lafayette stating that he had "Five hun- 
dred and fifty men in a desert without shoes, shirts, and, 
what is still worse, without cartridge boxes. I write 
everywhere ; send expresses to all parts of the world, but 
I receive no answer. If I did not expect Lawson with re- 
inforcement I would go to Charlottesville to sing a jere- 
maiad to my sovereign masters. Please let me have news 
from you. I am here as I would be in Kamschatka ; I do 
not know where you are nor what has become of Corn- 
wallis." 

Lafayette was at no trouble to ascertain what had 
become of Cornwallis, as he was busily engaged in keep- 
ing out of the way of that general, who with his greatly 
superior force was able to crush the smaller patriot army 
could he bring on a general action. This Lafayette en- 
deavored to prevent, and pursuing the Fabian policy 
learned by both Greene and himself from Washington, 
he retreated northward towards Fredericksburg and 
crossed the Rapidan west of that town, about sixty miles 
from Richmond. Cornwallis promptly entered the capi- 
tal, the state government having been moved to Char- 
lottesville, in Albemarle county. The Bristish general 
did not care to follow Lafayette so far north, but de- 



,- 



240 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

tached Tarleton to Charlottesville to capture the members 
of the government if possible. Seven members of the 
Legislature were apprehended, but the Governor, with 
the others, having been warned in time, got away, Jeffer- 
son leaving on horseback just twenty minutes before the 
British arrived at his home at Monticello. The troopers 
spared his homestead, as they had done with Washing- 
ton's home at Mount Vernon, but ravaged the farms (in- 
cluding Jefferson's) in the vicinity, and Virginia was 
now experiencing the horrors of war such as had been 
suffered by no state north of the Potomac, with the pos- 
sible exception of Northern New Jersey. 

Lafayette was now comparatively safe, and the ex- 
pedition was a failure so far as the capture of his army 
was concerned, but how about Steuben, with his band of 
five hundred militia, at Point of Fork? If the reader 
will take the trouble to lay down a ruler on the map of 
Virginia he will find a base line of about sixty miles run- 
ning north from Richmond to Fredericksburg, another of 
seventy-five miles northwest to Charlottesville, and a third 
seventy-five miles northeast from Charlottesville to Fred- 
ericksburg, thus giving him a triangle of which Charlottes- 
ville is the apex. Now, Point of Fork is located directly 
on the line between Richmond and Charlottesville, some- 
what nearer the latter. Steuben was thus directly be- 
tween Tarleton and Cornwallis's main army with appar- 
ently not a possibility of escaping. Cornwallis advanced 
northward as far as Hanover Court House, when he 
turned squarely to the west, striking the James river at 
Elk Hill, the property of Thomas Jefferson, where he 
made his headquarters for ten days. He had already de- 
tached General Simcoe with five hundred men against 
Steuben in advance of the main army, and Tarleton was 
approaching in the other direction from Charlottesville. 



THE WAR IN VIRGINIA 241 

While Steuben no doubt had an idea that something was 
wrong, and had taken the precaution to move the most 
valuable stores out of the way, yet the British managed 
to keep their main operations pretty well concealed. On 
June 2 Steuben heard of Simcoe at Goochland Court 
House, about twenty-five miles distant, and supposed it 
to be Cornwallis's main army, which, in fact, was not 
very far behind. He at once issued orders for removing 
the remainder of the stores, and had the boats which he 
had collected made ready for crossing the river should 
the occasion demand it. Early on June 4 Major Call 
arrived and stated that the enemy were approaching in 
two columns, one via Goochland and the other (evidently 
Tarleton's) via Louisa Court House, and that he had 
narrowly escaped capture. There now seemed no doubt 
that the enemy in force were close at hand, and Steuben 
forthwith gave orders to move all baggage across the 
river, and placed a picket of eighty men opposite to where 
he expected Cornwallis to approach. Having guarded 
the baggage across he left another picket of fifty men on 
the road where Tarleton was expected. General Lawson 
arrived the same day with two hundred and fifty militia, 
of whom fifteen were mounted, on the opposite side of 
the river. Steuben's force at this time had been reduced 
to four hundred and twenty men, so that the addition, 
though small, was very welcome. Colonel Davies, repre- 
senting the state authorities, arrived that evening to re- 
move their stores, in which work Steuben gave all possi- 
ble assistance, as Davies was poorly supplied with means 
of transportation. 

That same morning Steuben had sent four dragoons 
up the road to observe and inform him of the British 
approach, but the entire party was captured. At ten 
o'clock word was received that Tarleton was within four 



242 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

miles of Point of Fork, and Steuben sent one of his aides, 
Mr. Farile, to call in the pickets, which was clone, al- 
though the messenger was captured. About noon Gen- 
eral Simcoe came in sight with about five hundred men, 
partly mounted. Tarleton was close by on the other side, 
and, according to the best information then obtainable, 
Cornwallis was on the other side of the branch river, six 
or seven miles below, although, as it afterwards turned 
out, Cornwallis was not that close. There was no possi- 
bility of successful resistance, and the only possible ob- 
ject that could be obtained was to detain the enemy by 
a show of force until the balance of the stores could be 
removed. But the unreliability of the recruits completely 
baffled that design. A picket of fifty men deserted the 
post on first sight of the enemy, and could only be 
brought back by threats and persuasion. A single shot 
from a three-pounder seems to have been the extent of 
the resistance, and the enemy captured a number of 
canoes which had been left in North Fork contrary to 
Steuben's orders, although they were not absolutely es- 
sential to the attacking party, as the river was fordable. 
Notwithstanding these drawbacks Steuben held the place 
until dark, when he crossed to the south side of the main 
branch of the James, securing, with the bulk of the stores, 
his entire force, with the exception of about thirty men 
who were captured while awaiting the return of the 
canoes. Although, as we shall see, Steuben was criticised 
for his action here, yet it was a most skillful manoeuver 
in the face of a superior force, and, in a small way, re- 
sembles Washington's strategy after the battle of Long 
Island. The fact that the main body of Cornwallis's 
body had not arrived, as Steuben had supposed, does not 
materially alter the situation, as had he remained he 
would undoubtedly have been captured with his entire 



THE WAR IN VIRGINIA 243 

force and equippage. In order to confirm Steuben in his 
opinion that he was now confronted by Cornwallis and 
his whole army on the opposite side of the river, Simcoe 
lighted fires on the hillsides, giving the appearance of an 
extended camp. . 

Steuben the next day retreated southward, which 
fact is attributed by some historians solely to Simcoe's 
stratagem. This no doubt accelerated his movements, but 
we have seen that there was nothing else for him to do, 
as he could with his little squad of raw material accom- 
plish nothing against the formidable foe. He writes to 
Lafayette from the south side of the James on June 5, 
saying that he himself had seen "a party of cavalry at 
Goochland Court House in the morning, and another 
large party at Louisa Court House in the afternoon ; the 
latter, of at least one thousand men ; that both parties 
seem to direct their march this way. The northern 
branch being fordable in several places, my position be- 
came critical and I therefore changed my situation. This 
I executed immediately and came here, first crossing the 
baggage and a quantity of state stores which were at 
Fork Point. I have since heard nothing of the party 
which were at Louisa, those at Goochland remaining 
there yesterday. General Lawson has joined me with 
three hundred militia, and we expect about four hundred 
more to-day or to-morrow. I had ordered all the boats 
below this place to be brought up, but the current was 
too strong to permit it. I intend to move from here as 
soon as the weather clears up, and take a position at the 
mouth of Willis Creek, where I shall collect every boat 
on the river, and from there I have communication every- 
where." 

This does not read as though coming from a panic- 
stricken general, but one who knowing that he was con- 



244 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

fronted by a superior force takes every precaution to 
conserve his men and supplies. As to the latter there 
was great exaggeration concerning the loss. The Baron's 
enemies made the most of the affair, and the usually care- 
ful Irving says, "In his alarm he made a night retreat of 
thirty miles, leaving the greater part of the stores scat- 
tered along the river bank, which were destroyed by the 
next morning by a small detachment of the enemy sent 
across in canoes." But we find the Baron the next day 
within a mile of the Fork calmly writing to Lafayette his 
reasons for retreating, which were based on sound mili- 
tary grounds. That same day he wrote to the Governor 
of North Carolina that he proposed marching towards 
that state. 

As to the abandoned stores there is considerable con- 
flict of testimony as to their value. General Simcoe, who 
was naturally disposed to make the most of his exploit, 
says there were destroyed at the Point of Fork two 
thousand five hundred stand of arms, a large quantity of 
gunpowder, case shot, etc.. several casks of saltpetre, sul- 
phur and brimstone, sixty hogsheads of rum and brandy, 
several chests of carpenters' tools, four hundred inter- 
changing tools, casks of flint, etc., six mortars and four 
long brass nine-pounders. Lafayette, however, declared 
that the loss was unimportant, and Henry Lee, in his 
memoirs, says that most of the arms were muskets out 
of repair. Steuben reported to Greene that only a few 
articles were lost, and these through the negligence of 
the commissaries and storekeepers, and Colonel William 
Langborn reported that the enemy secured only twenty 
barrels of powder and a few canoes, as the boats had 
all been sunk by the Baron's orders. The bulk of cloth- 
ing and manufactured goods had been removed to Staun- 
ton, where it was safe for the present. Colonel Davies 



THE WAR IN VIRGINIA 245 

writes from there on June 23 that "The Assembly were 
at first much mortified at the losses we had sustained by 
the rapid incursions of the enemy, and in their discontent 
were really clamorous ; they moderate in their vexation, 
as they have since found that the mischief done by the 
enemy was inconsiderable compared with the plunder of 
the inhabitants, of whom we expect to recover a great 
deal." 

As we have seen Steuben was still within a mile 
of the James on June 5, watching the movements of the 
enemy, but by the morning of the 6th his little army was 
collected in comparatively safe quarters at Willis Creek, 
about thirty miles below. From here he sent an officer 
back to observe the movements of Simcoe and Tarleton, 
no doubt still supposing that Cornwallis had joined them. 
Intelligence was received that the enemy had constructed 
a couple of rafts, each with a carrying capacity of eighty 
to one hundred men, and had thrown a bridge across 
North Fork, connecting with their force opposite Elk 
Island. This, if it meant anything, indicated a move- 
ment southward, and as Steuben himself says, "I could 
not see what could hinder the enemy from detaching a 
sufficient party to disperse my force and render them- 
selves masters of the stores at Prince Edward, Charlotte 
and Halifax (Houston) Court Houses. I thought it ab- 
surd making a bravado with a small number of bad 
troops against such a force, while the Marquis, being 
nearly one hundred miles off, could make no diversion on 
that side. I therefore gave orders for dispersing the 
stores in such manner that only part could fall into the 
enemy's hands on any route they could take, and sent off 
three officers sucessively to acquaint the Marquis of my 
situation. I wrote circular letters to the county lieuten- 
ants to call out their militia, and, leaving General Law- 



246 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

son at Charlotte Court House, I marched the recruits to 
Cole's Ferry on the Staunton." 

On June 9th Steuben reached Charlotte Court House 
(now Smithville), and Cole's Ferry the next day, where 
he halted in order to await instructions to join Greene 
or Lafayette, as circumstances might dictate. He had 
never given up the original project of joining Greene, 
from whom he had heard nothing since May 1, the lat- 
ter's orders for him to proceed south having been inter- 
cepted by the enemy. His force was now fifty to seventy- 
five miles south of Simcoe, who manifested no disposition 
to follow him, and a march into North Carolina seemed 
feasible, both as a method of aiding Greene and indi- 
rectly Lafayette by inducing Cornwallis to follow him, 
although he appears still to have been in doubt as to the 
exact whereabouts of the latter. He gave directions for 
a new distribution of stores to prevent them falling into 
the hands of an enemy marching southward, and issued a 
circular appointing Prince Edward, Cumberland and 
Amelia Court House as suitable points for concentra- 
ting the militia, making most earnest appeals to the patri- 
otism of the people, and declaring that "If we succeed in 
collecting such a body of militia as can offer resistance to 
the enemy, I have not the least doubt that we shall not 
only preserve this part of the state from their depreda- 
tion, but that in a short time they will be driven back to 
their shipping, and probably convinced of the impossi- 
bility of conquering a country defended by freemen." 

At this time Steuben requested Governor Nash, of 
North Carolina, to send him all the armed militia possi- 
ble, especially horses, he being now only thirty or forty 
miles from the North Carolina line. 

Greene, as we have seen, was getting the advantage 
of the British in North Carolina, and Augusta had sur- 



THE WAR IN VIRGINIA 247 

rendered on the 5th, but the latest information led Steu- 
ben to believe that he was still needed in that direction, 
as, indeed he was, for the battle of Eutaw Springs, which 
broke the British power in the South, was not fought 
until the following September S. Hence he resolved to 
join Greene without delay, taking with him about five 
hundred and fifty recruits, leaving General Lawson with 
six hundred militia, with which it was believed he could 
take care of any raiding parties which, might put in an 
appearance. On the 12th of June, however, according to 
Kapp, Steuben heard that General Sumner had been or- 
dered to march with the North Carolina line to Virginia 
and form a junction with him. If this were the case the 
orders were certainly countermanded, for General Sum- 
ner remained with Greene and took an active part 
in the battle of Eutaw Springs. However that may be, 
Steuben evidently concluded that Greene was now get- 
ting the Southern situation well in hand, and that he 
could do more good by marching northward and co-oper- 
ating with Lafayette. He gives his reasons, however, 
why he at first proposed going South in a letter addressed 
to one Captain Kirkpatrick. of North Carolina, in which 
he says : "I have halted here two days waiting for Gen- 
eral Greene's orders, in the meantime endeavoring to col- 
lect a sufficient body of militia to cover this side of the 
James river, and promising if they turned out with spirit 
I would venture to remain in the state and join my small 
force to theirs. My reasons for marching southward (as 
I find a general must give reasons to every citizen for 
his conduct) were positive orders from General Greene, 
and my own hopes that my moving this way would alarm 
Cornwallis and induce him to detach a part of his army 
in my pursuit, which would be of more essential advan- 



248 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

tage to the Marquis than if five times the number of my 
recruits would join him." 

June 13th found Steuben at Prince Edward Court 
House on his northward march, where he collected all 
the militia possible, whether armed or not. From here 
he sent a militia detachment to Carter's Ferry, while 
with his main force he started for a point opposite Seven 
Islands, on the James river, a few miles above the now 
celebrated Point of Fork. This he regarded as a favor- 
able rendezous for the militia and also an exceellent point 
for observing the enemy's movements. While on this 
march he received an urgent letter from Lafayette re- 
questing him to join the latter as quickly as possible. 



CHAPTER XVI. 

APPROACHING THE CLIMAX. 

Steuben Joins Lafayette and Forces Cornwallis to Leave Rich- 
mond — Retreat to Williamsburg — Steuben's Illness — Arrival 
of Washington and Siege of Yorktown — Steuben Assigned 
a Command — Closing up the Trenches — Receives a Depu- 
tation from Cornwallis — The Surrender. 

We left Cornwallis with his main force at Elk Hill, 
and Tarleton and Simcoe within supporting distance, so 
that his army was now practically concentrated into one 
body. Lafayette was in the neighborhood of Freder- 
icksburg, about sixty miles northeast, well out of harm's 
reach, while Steuben, as we have seen, was well south 
of the James. On June 7th, however, Lafayette was re- 
inforced by General Wayne with eight hundred to one 
thousand Pennsylvania troops, which gave him a force, 
if not strong enough to cope directly with Cornwallis, at 
least to protect stores at Albemarle and other points. 
Reinforcements from other sources had now brought his 
army up to four thousand men, and Cornwallis, seeing 
that he could not now safely divide his force into maraud- 
ing parties, gathered it together and retired to Richmond. 
It was at this juncture that Lafayette, on June 13th, sent 
the following message to Steuben : 

I request, my dear sir, that you will immediately return this 
way, and with the Continentals and militia under your com- 
mand, hasten to form a junction with us. I am afraid General 
Greene's letter requesting you to remain with us has not yet 
got to hand, but unless you have received orders subsequent to 
General Greene's march against Ninety-six and Augusta, I can 
assure you his desire was then to form a junction. Should the 
enemy cross the James River, which I do not believe they will 
do, and which none of them have yet attempted, it must be with 
a view to reconquer Carolina. In this case you would be in 



250 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

their way, and I should request every obstruction to be put in 
their way, as I shall myself follow them as expeditiously as 
possible. But, on the contrary, should they make the conquest 
of this state their main object, our united force is not too much 
to resist them. No news from the northward; it is reported 
General Washington is coming to Virginia with French and 
American troops, but I had no letter from him. 

There being no evidence that Cornwallis meditated 
a southward movement Steuben at once put himself in 
the way to form the junction with Lafayette as requested. 
By rapid marching he crossed the James at Carter's Ferry 
on June 1G into Goochland county, and three days later 
joined Lafayette in Hanover county, twenty-five miles 
north of Richmond. Lafayette now had a force of five 
thousand men, so Cornwallis, to prevent himself from 
being besieged in Richmond, evacuated that city on the 
20th, and retreated down the river, plundering and de- 
vastating the country as he went. He arrived at Wil- 
liamsburg on June 25 and pillaged every dwelling within 
reach. The American army, although close on his heels, 
could not prevent the destruction of property, and it is 
estimated that the losses suffered by the state and people 
of Virginia to this time aggregated not less than 
$15,000,000. 

Scarcely had Cornwallis arrived at Williamsburg 
than he received an order from Sir Henry Clinton at 
New York to send three thousand men back to that city, 
as Washington was threatening the place. The Ameri- 
can general had by numerous feints succeeded in convinc- 
ing his foe that was about to attack him with over twenty 
thousand men, when, as a matter of fact, he did not have 
more than one-half that number. Besides, it seemed clear 
to Clinton that there was no prospect of subjugating 
Virginia with Cornwallis's present force, owing to the 
solid loyalty of that state to the American cause, and 



APPROACHING THE CLIMAX 251 

hence he thought it would be advisable to merely hold a 
defensive position on the coast and send the surplus men 
where they could be used to better advantage. Sullenly 
Cornwallis prepared to submit, and considering Ports- 
mouth the most available point for a defensive post he 
began his march thither on July 4. During the crossing 
of the river, about eight miles above Jamestown Island, 
on the Gth Wayne, with the Pennsylvania men, engaged 
the British, and after a sharp contest the Americans were 
repulsed with a loss of one hundred and forty-five men. 
Kapp in his account of this affair condemns Lafayette 
for having been lured into an action "which, only for the 
bravery of Wayne and the inability of Cornwallis to pur- 
sue his advantage, on account of the night, would have 
resulted in the annihilation of the whole army." It is 
only just, however, to say that none of the other his- 
torians takes this view, although Irving says "That re- 
treat, if followed close, might have been converted into 
a disastrous flight." 

While proceeding to carry out Clinton's orders in 
a half-hearted way, Cornwallis did not fail to protest 
against them, pronouncing a defensive post on the Chesa- 
peake as of no value, only giving access to an unhealthy 
swamp and liable to become a prey to a foreign enemy 
with a temporary superiority at sea. In fact, he was so 
disgusted that he wanted to transfer his command to 
General Leslie and return to Charleston. In the mean- 
time transports had arrived to carry the troops to New 
York, with instructions to hasten their embarkation, for 
Clinton was hourly expecting an attack. But troops had 
scarcely boarded the ships when counter orders were re- 
ceived. Cornwallis's rapid movements in the South, and 
the apparent conquest of that section had strongly com- 
mended themselves to Lord Germain and the British min- 



252 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

istry, who did not realize how completely Greene was un- 
doing the work of his late opponent, who had been really 
driven from the field. To reduce Virginia as he had ap- 
parently reduced Georgia and the Carolinas, would go far 
towards ending the war, and there seemed no reason ap- 
parent to the gentlemen in London why this should not 
be done if Cornwallis were suffered to retain his troops. 
This was made known to Clinton, who already regarded 
Cornwallis as his rival and possible successor ; hence the 
rescinding the order, and the troops disembarked.. 

Cornwallis had his way, but if Virginia were to be 
conquered it could not be by sporadic raids, but by a regu- 
lar campaign with a suitable base on the coast. Ports- 
mouth was not adapted for this purpose, as the harbor 
could easily be blockaded, and it would be impossible for 
works erected there to protect a fleet in Hampton Roads. 
Accordingly, Yorktown, a small village on the right 
bank of York river, was selected, and the army moved 
thither. A glance at the map will show that the four 
principal rivers which drain the Virginia tidewater re- 
gion, namely the Potomac, Rappahannock, York and 
Tames, enter the Chesapeake bay on nearly parallel lines, 
forming comparatively narrow peninsulas. Where stood 
the town of York the width of the peninsula was only 
about eight miles, while in front vessels could safely ride 
on the broad, deep river. Across the river, on the north 
side, and only a mile distant, was Gloucester Point, which 
was also occupied by Cornwallis. It will readily be seen 
that though the town might be captured by a superior 
force, yet so long as a garrison had command of the sea 
there was a sure means of escape provided. When Corn- 
wallis occupied Yorktown he had with him seven thous- 
and trained veterans, the flower of the British army, most 
of whom had become inured to fatigue and danger dur- 



APPROACHING THE CLIMAX 253 

ing their recent campaigns. The combined forces of La- 
fayette and Stenben numbered something over five thous- 
and, too weak, of course, to capture or rout Cornwallis, 
but strong enough to give him occupation until a new 
situation should develop. At this time Cornwallis was so 
confident of the security of his position that he professed 
a willingness to send one thousand or twelve hundred 
men north if they were needed. 

It was August 22d before Cornwallis had concen- 
trated his entire force at Yorktown, and meanwhile a 
change was impending from another quarter. 

It is scarcely necessary to say that Washington, 
while keeping one eye on New York, had the other con- 
stantly turned on the Southern campaign. News traveled 
slowly in those days, and, like the light from the so-called 
fixed stars which gives not their position at the time 
they are viewed by the eye, but sometimes long years be- 
fore, so it was in a minor sense with reports from the 
theatre of war. Ten days were required to transmit dis- 
patches from Virginia, and three times that long from 
Greene, even when they were not intercepted by the 
enemy, so that when Washington learned of a certain 
state of affairs, the situation had usually entirely changed 
before the information reached him. Nevertheless he 
kept in touch with the situation as closely as possible, as 
was manifested by his instructions to Lafayette, and, al- 
though utterly unable to make an attack on New York 
with any prospect of success, yet by his feints and man- 
oeuvres, he kept Clinton in such a state of alarm that not 
only was the latter anticipating an assault at any time, but 
was led to believe that he could not safely send further 
aid to Cornwallis. 

The time was now at hand, however, when some de- 
cisive action was needed. The French troops could not 



254 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

be detained indefinitely at Newport, both the country 
and the army were certainly getting tired of watching 
New York, and the commander-in-chief was now satisfied 
that with a combined movement by the two armies in 
conjunction with the fleet something decisive might be 
accomplished. As has already been indicated the com- 
mand of the sea was necessary for the capture of Corn- 
wallis's army, without which a march to Virginia would 
be comparatively barren of results, and so far the French 
fleet had not rendered much service. Washington seems 
to have grasped the idea of a final Virginia campaign 
as soon as he learned of Cornwallis's entry into that state, 
but England, still having command of the sea, it was 
realized that any effort in that line would be abortive. 
But a strong French squadron was expected during the 
spring of 1781, and on May 22 Washington went to 
Wethersfiekl, Conn., where he held a conference with 
Count Rochambeau in regard to a projected attack on 
New York. In that conference he broached the subject 
of the Virginia campaign to Rochambeau, but the matter 
was kept a close secret, as it was still uncertain what part 
of the coast the fleet under Count de Grasse would strike. 
So Washington waited and watched the course of events, 
in readiness to strike at New York or march four hun- 
dred miles south and end the campaign there. On Aug- 
ust 11 word was received from Grasse that he was en 
route from the West Indies to Chesapeake bay. That 
settled the question. Rochambeau's army had joined the 
American forces on the Hudson, ready for any service 
which might be demanded. Feints were made against 
New York which completely deceived Clinton, and, on 
August 19, Washington, leaving a sufficient force to hold 
West Point and other strategic centres, crossed the Hud- 
son, at King's Ferry, with two thousand Continentals 



APPROACHING THE CLIMAX 255 

and four thousand Frenchmen. Nobody but Washington 
and Rochambeau knew where they were going, and it 
was not until they reached Philadelphia that even the 
American officers guessed the secret. The country had 
already been cheered by intelligence of Greene's success, 
and now the military and civilians vied with each other in 
their enthusiasm. The march through the city was a 
festal one, and when Washington, who had galloped 
ahead to Chester, sent back word that Grasse had ar- 
rived in Chesapeake bay, the joy was unrestrained. The 
2d and 3d days of September were occupied by the troops 
in marching through Philadelphia, the Americans in their 
tattered garments and the French in their gorgeous uni- 
forms. Washington arrived at the Head of Elk on Sep- 
tember 6, followed as rapidly as possible by the army. 
Part of the force embarked at once, going down the 
Chesapeake, but there being not sufficent vessels for all, 
Washington with the rest of the army marched overland 
through Baltimore. On the 9th he left that city for a 
short visit to Mount Vernon, which he not seen for six 
years. Here he entertained Count Rochambeau and other 
distinguished guests with true Virginia hospitality, and 
on the 12th left to join Lafayette at Williamsburg. 

Count de Grasse had reached the Chesapeake on Sep- 
tember 5, and was conveying French troops up James 
river when the British Admiral Graves appeared with 
twenty ships. Grasse put to sea with twenty-four vessels, 
and on the 7th engaged the British with such effect that 
after four days' manceuvering Graves bore away to New 
York, and De Barras, another French admiral, having ar- 
rived with transports carrying troops and stores, the al- 
lies were now in full control of both land and water. 

Washington took personal charge of affairs and was 
urging matters forward with the greatest celerity until 



256 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

the 22d, when an incident occurred which threatened to 
derange everything. Word was received that the British 
Admiral Digby had arrived at New York with six addi- 
tional ships and troops. This alarmed De Grasse, lest the 
reinforced British fleet should return and attack him at 
disadvantage, and he proposed starting for the open sea, 
where he could either fight to advantage or blockade the 
British in New York. This was enacting the Ports- 
mouth fiasco over again, and Washington, fearing the 
complete failure of his plans, sent Lafayette to the Ad- 
miral with a courteous but urgent letter, asking him to 
at least delay his departure for a short time, which he 
finally consented to do. By the 25th the American and 
French troops had encamped between Williamsburg and 
Yorktown, effectually preventing any retreat by land, 
while the fleet guarded the river. The combined forces 
of the besiegers now numbered about sixteen thousand 
troops, of which nine thousand were American and seven 
thousand French. 

In order to give a connected resume of events lead- 
ing up to the investment of Yorktown special reference 
to Steuben's movements during this period has been 
omitted. As previously stated, on June 19 he with his 
forces effected a junction with Lafayette in Hanover 
county, and a few days after he received orders from 
Greene to remain with the Marquis in connection with the 
Virginia recruits. Shortly after joining Lafayette's army 
Steuben, who had been broken down by anxiety and ex- 
posure, fell ill and retired to a country place near Char- 
lottesville to recuperate. Here about the end of July he 
received a delayed order from Greene to join him, with 
or without recruits, the latter having all been turned over 
to Lafayette. To this the Baron responded on Au- 
gust 13: 



APPROACHING THE CLIMAX 257 

I have received your favor of the 19th of July, in which I 
am ordered to join you. If it had pleased God, my dear Gen- 
eral, that this order had reached me a few months sooner, I 
should have escaped a great deal of pain and chagrin, but what 
I have to say on that subject shall rest till I have the pleasure 
to see you. My duty and inclination would have engaged me to 
set out immediately on receipt of your letter had not my ill state 
of health prevented me. An eruption of blood, which has cov- 
ered my whole body, obliged me to retire to a country house. 
It is near Mr. Walker's, whom you saw at Philadelphia, a mem- 
ber of Congress, and his father, who is my physician. The heat 
of the season, uneasiness of my mind, and a thousand other 
things have so used me up that I cannot yet sustain the fatigues 
of a journey. I shall, however, prepare to take up my line of 
march the last of this month, and hope to join you before your 
operations begin. I can say nothing to you on our affairs 
either political or military; a sick man, you know, looks on 
things worse than they really are. I have the consolation to 
hope I shall soon be with the general I esteem and the friend 
for whom I have the strongest affection. 

The Baron's health having improved considerably 
towards the latter part of August, he made preparations 
for going to Greene, and was about starting on his jour- 
ney, when he received an urgent letter from Lafayette 
asking him to join the latter at once. We have seen 
that affairs on the York peninsula had assumed a critical 
aspect. Although Cornwallis was in a measure on the 
defensive, yet his army was really stronger than Lafay- 
ette's, and another affair like that at Green Spring, James- 
town, might cause matters to become very serious at least. 
So Steuben went down to King William County, near the 
head of York river, where he occupied himself 
with his old work of putting things in order and aiding 
in strengthening the army that was now closing in about 
Yorktown. While here he learned of Washington's 
southward march and the arrival of the French fleet. Old 
soldier that he was, he sniffed the smoke of battle from 



258 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

afar, and for the time being he is willing if not anxious 
to remain in Virginia. On September 9th he writes to 
Greene : 

In the moment of my departure to join you I received the 
glorious news of the arrival of the French fleet. The whole 
country is flying to arms. I had reason to apprehend that my 
departure at such a time as this would have been made to oper- 
ate against me by persons who seek to destroy the reputation 
of every honest man. You are, without doubt, informed, my 
dear General, of the trouble and vexation to which I have been 
exposed in this state. The greatest sacrifice I can make to the 
public interest, is to suspend my endeavors for redress until the 
present scene is finished. To have quitted the state before that 
period would have armed my enemies against me. Two days 
before the arrival of the fleet, the marquis wrote me to hasten 
to his assistance, but your orders and my wishes to join you, 
made me decide for the southward. I beg you, my dear Gen- 
eral, to permit my assisting this expedition which is preparing. 
Considering how small the number of your troops is, I think 
my presence may be dispensed with for some time, nevertheless 
if you judge it necessary, and should you think the motives 
which induce me to stay insufficient, the moment I receive your 
commands I shall begin my journey. To-morrow I shall join 
the marquis. I shall give him every assistance in my power. 

Of course, Steuben, when he wrote the above, had 
not learned of the battle of Eutaw Springs, which, with 
other events that quickly followed, removed the necessity 
for him going South, and the promised union with 
Greene never took place. 

According to his intention Steuben started to join 
Lafayette in Williamsburg the next day, and arrived 
there at least by the 12th, where he met General Wash- 
ington and Count Rochambeau when they arrived there 
on the 14th. On the 19th he writes to Greene: "Our 
troops and those of our allies from the North are ex- 
pected every hour. They embarked at Baltimore on the 
14th instant. As soon as they arrive our operations will 
commence. This, my dear General, is the decisive mo- 
ment — the happiest time I have spent in America. Every 



APPROACHING ^HE CLIMAX 259 

advantage appears to declare in favor of the righteous 
cause. Young Colonel Laurens called to see me yester- 
day; he is just back from France, and brings with him 
everything which will be necessary to finish the war. 
The court of France has answered the Emperor (of Ger- 
many or the Holy Roman Empire) on his proposition 
of a mediation, that they can enter into no negotiations 
without the consent of their allies, and as the haughty 
Briton will not consider this ally as an independent state, 
the negotiation is broken off. I trust the success of this 
campaign will render our enemies more tractable." 

In response to Steuben's request for a regular com- 
mand Washington promptly assigned him a division, 
composed of Virginia, Maryland and Pennsylvania 
troops, numbering two thousand three hundred and nine 
men, of whom one thousand three hundred and forty-six 
belonged to Wayne's brigade and nine hundred and fifty- 
three to Gist's. According to a report, dated October 3, 
there were only seven hundred and thirty men of Wayne's 
men fit for service, and four hundred and forty-five of 
Gist's, the sick numbering six hundred and seventeen. It 
is presumed, however, that under Steuben's careful man- 
agement the effective strength of the division was brought 
up more nearly to the proper record. Steuben was in his 
old place as member of Washington's staff, and as none 
of the Americans had participated in regular siege opera- 
tions his experience as aid to Frederick the Great at the 
investment of Schweidnitz proved of great value. The 
first trenches in front of Yorktown were begun by Gen- 
eral Lincoln on the night of the 5th of October, the 
American and French working together in friendly riv- 
alry, so that by the 8th the first parallel was completed, 
and batteries began playing upon the enemy's works. 
This was at a distance of six hundred yards, but on the 



260 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

night of the 11th Steuben with his division began a sec- 
ond parallel within three hundred and sixty yards of 
Cornwallis's lines, and worked with such success that the 
enemy did not discover his position until daylight, when 
the Americans were too strongly entrenched to be dis- 
lodged. General Wayne was with Steuben, and when 
the British opened fire in the morning a shell fell close 
by them. The Baron threw himself into the trench to 
avoid the effect of the explosion, and Wayne in trying to 
get out of the way fell on top of him. The Baron per- 
ceiving his comrade in that position jocularly remarked, 
"I always knew you were a brave general, but I did not 
know that you were so perfect in every point of duty; 
you cover your general's retreat in the best manner possi- 
ble." Fortunately neither of the officers was hurt. 

Another incident of the siege recorded by Steuben 
himself is worth relating. Baron De Viomenil com- 
manded the trenches on the 10th of October, and at four 
o'clock in the evening he sent Count Deuxponts to tell 
Steuben that he had observed, while visiting the trenches, 
that his division was extremely weak, and as it was prob- 
able the enemy might make a sortie that night he wished 
to reinforce his (Steuben's) left wing from five to eight 
hundred men if the latter should think it necessary. In 
the presence of General Wayne Steuben replied that he 
did not think he wanted any reinforcements, and that if 
the enemy were to attack him he should answer for being 
able to hold the battery until the Baron De Viomenil 
could arrive to support him, and further, in case Viomenil 
was attacked, he might rely upon Steuben to support him 
with eight hundred men in two columns. When Count 
Deuxpontz had gone away Wayne remarked to Steuben 
that he had only one thousand men in his entire division. 
"No doubt of it," Steuben replied, "that is my calculation 



APPROACHING THE CLIMAX 261 

too, but if it should so happen, I should, on my own 
responsibility, leave two hundred men to defend the bat- 
tery, and with the remaining eight hundred men attack 
forthwith in two columns," adding that if he was guilty 
of a certain amount of gasconade with regard to the num- 
ber of men it was for the honor of his (Wayne's) coun- 
try, whereupon Wayne took the Baron by the hand and 
addressing himself to the officers present said : "Now, 
gentlemen, it is our duty to make good the exaggeration 
of Baron Steuben, and support him just as if he 
had double the number of men that he has." 

It would not be profitable here to follow the siege 
operations in detail, they can be found in any reliable his- 
tory. Cornwallis made a desperate effort to escape from 
the trap in which he had taken refuge. On the night of 
October 15 he started to convey his troops across the river 
to Gloucester Point, hoping to force his way northward 
and join Clinton in New York. The plan could hardly 
have succeeded under any circumstances, but after part 
of the troops had crossed the river a storm arose which 
scattered the boats, and daylight put an end to the pro- 
ject, those who had reached the Point being compelled 
to recross under the fire of American batteries. Further 
resistance was impossible, and on the morning of the 17th 
Cornwallis dispatched a flag of truce with a letter to 
Washington proposing a cessation of hostilities for twen- 
ty-four hours to arrange terms of surrender. Baron 
Steuben in command of the trenches received the letter, 
and forwarded it to the commanding general. Later La- 
fayette came with his division, it being the relieving hour, 
but, according to North, Steuben declined to be relieved, 
assigning as a reason the etiquette in Europe; that the 
offer to capitulate had been made during his guard, and 



262 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

that it was a point of honor, of which he would not de- 
prive his troops, to remain in the trenches until the capi- 
tulation was signed, or hostilities recommenced. The 
matter was referred by Lafayette to the commander-in- 
chief, with the result that Steuben remained in the 
trenches until the British flag was struck. 

Washington was not disposed to grant very much 
delay in view of the expected arrival of Clinton with re- 
inforcements and the anxiety of De Grasse to get away, 
but negotiations dragged along until the 19th, when the 
posts of Yorktown and Gloucester were surrendered to 
General Washington as commander-in-chief of the allied 
army, and the vessels and seamen to Count de Grasse. 
The troops surrendered numbered seven thousand two 
hundred and forty-seven and eight hundred and forty 
sailors, or over eight thousand in all, besides an im- 
mense quantity of military stores. The garrison lost five 
hundred and fifty-two during the siege, and the besiegers 
about three hundred, killed. These figures are small com- 
pared with those of later contests on Virginia battlefields, 
but in its ultimate results the siege of Yorktown stands 
as one of the decisive conflicts of the world. 

Little detail is given of Baron Steuben's part in this 
memorable contest other than the incidents related 
above, but Washington in his congratulatory order issued 
the day after the capitulation specially mentions Steuben 
along with Lincoln, Knox, Lafayette and Duportail. Lin- 
coln was deputed to receive the sword which Cornwallis 
sent by a deputy, giving illness, real or feigned, as his 
excuse for not being present in person. 

As a rule not much detail has been given concerning 
the Yorktown surrender, the participants having been 
more deeply interested in the general result which not 



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APPROACHING THE CLIMAX 263 

only freed Virginia from further invasion, but was prac- 
tically the end of the war, although over a year was yet 
to elapse before a formal treaty of peace was concluded. 
But there was with Cornwallis one sergeant, John Con- 
rad Doehla, belonging to a regiment from Anspach, Ger- 
many, who kept quite a full diary of those eventful days, 
and for a translation of which we are indebted to Mr. 
Kapp. Among other things Sergeant Doehla says: 



We were left in full possession of all our equipage and ap- 
parel — nothing belonging to us was taken, or even touched; we 
were treated with fairness and respect, as prescribed by the 
usages of war. To speak out plainly we were rather satisfied 
that the end of this siege had come at last., escaping therefrom 
on unexpectedly favorable terms, while we had been always of 
opinion that we should be taken by assault. Had it lasted a 
few days longer, a general storm was unavoidable — the French 
grenadiers (?) were already preparing for it. 

It was on the afternoon of the 19th of October, between 
the hours of four and five o'clock, that all our troops, with arms 
and baggage, standards covered but drums beating, marched 
out of the lines of, and the whole camp. * * * The French, 
who formed the right wing, had sometimes richly dressed 
"hieducks" (fancy servants) in their suite, who being very tall 
and handsome men, presented quite a dazzling appearance in 
their gold and silver laced liveries. All the French generals. 
Count De Rochambeu. Marquis De Lafayette. Count De Deux- 
ponts. and Prince De Lucerne, wore glittering stars and badges 
of military orders. 

On the right wing of each French regiment was gorgeously 
paraded a rich standard of white silk with three golden fleur de 
lis embroidered upon it. Beyond these standards stood the 
drummers and fifers, and in front of them the band which 
played delightfully. It must be confessed that the French 
troops, altogether, looked very well; they were all tall, hand- 
some men. They all wore white gaiters, a part of them were 
clad in red, some also in green, most of them, however, were in 
white regimentals. The German, or Alsacian regiments had 
blue regimentals. 

The left wing of the line through which we had to march 
was formed of the Americans; in front of them their generals, 
Washington, Gates, Steuben and Wayne. They were paraded 
in three lines, the first composed of the regulars, who had also 



264 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

a band; playing moderately well. They looked passable, but 
the militia from Virginia and Maryland, forming the second and 
third lines, were both a ragged set of fellows and very ill look- 
ing. 

We, now prisoners of war, stared with amazement at all 
these troops, parading there in lines three ranks deep. We were 
quite astonished at the immense number of our besiegers, per- 
ceiving well that, compared with such a formidable army, we 
were little more than a mere guard, and that they were strong 
enough to have eaten us up to the last man. The lines of both 
armies extended nearly two miles in length. Think, only of an 
army of forty thousand men, altogether drawn up in lines 
three ranks deep, what a space it must cover. Our small num- 
ber quite puzzled the enemy; they had believed we were much 
stronger. 

When all was over, we had to march again through the 
two lines of the allied armies to return to our camp, but this was 
done in utter silence without further incumbrance, as the poor 
equipage which we carried in our knapsacks was all we pos- 
sessed. All the courage and spirit which at other times ani- 
mate a corps of soldiers were extinguished, the more so as on 
this, our return march, the American part of our conquerors 
jeered at us very insultingly. We were again quartered in our 
lines and tents, enjoying, however, full liberty to walk any- 
where in the lines as well as in the city. And I must say the 
French behaved very well towards us. They were altogether 
kind and obliging. But the Americans with the exception of 
their officers, were strictly forbidden to come within our lines, 
or even to enter the city. The French grenadiers, who occu- 
pied all our lines, did not allow any of the American militia to 
approach us, fearing, as they were at all times addicted to 
plunder, they might not forget to rob us also, or to make mis- 
chief, as was their custom. 

Our worthy sergeant has evidently allowed his im- 
agination free play to some extent, especially as to the 
forty thousand troops whom he saw in the allied armies. 
The records show five thousand Continentals, seven thous- 
and French and three thousand five hundred militia, six- 
teen thousand in all. As the force surrendered by Corn- 
wallis numbered about eight thousand, it is apparent that 
the investing army instead of the three to one standard 
considered by military authorities as necessary to success 
in siege operations the ratio was not over two to one. 



APPROACHING THE CLIMAX 265 

There had also been gallant assaults wherein Hamilton 
and others had won laurels, and it seems fortunate for 
Cornwallis that he did not wait to risk a general one. It 
must also be remembered that in the surrender the army 
was turned over to the Americans and the naval forces 
to the French officers, and whatever protection the 
prisoners had was due to Washington's orders 
and not to any special chivalry on the part of the 
French. A special order by Washington guaran- 
teed fair treatment to all. It is very probable that the 
militia were restrained from mingling with the pris- 
oners, for most of them were Virginians who for months 
past had been indignant witnesses of the unrestrained li- 
cense of a brutal soldiery, whose paths up and down the 
state had been marked by plundered plantations, burning 
homes and even violated women. No doubt the robbers 
even at this time had some of the plundered property in 
their possession, and the temptation to "get even" would 
certainly have been very strong had opportunity offered. 

It may be added that on the day that Cornwallis 
surrendered Sir Henry Clinton sailed from New York 
to his relief with thirty-five ships and seven thousand 
picked troops. What might have happened had this 
force reached Yorktown before the surrender it is idle to 
speculate. Clinton arrived off Capes Charles and Henry 
on October 24, and after hovering about the entrance to 
Chesapeake Bay for five days, he learned of Cornwallis's 
surrender and forthwith returned to New York. 

Washington desired to move south with the allied 
forces, and by investing Charleston and Savannah drive 
the British at once from that section, but the French re- 
fused to co-operate, so he reluctantly gave up the plan, 
and proceeded to follow Clinton to New York with the 



266 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

American army except Wayne's division which marched 
south to join Greene. 

Rochambeau remained with the French forces in 
Virginia, and De Grasse left with his fleet for the West 
Indies, where in the following April he was defeated and 
taken prisoner by the British Admiral Rodney. This 
action maintained the Anglo-Saxon supremacy on the 
ocean which has been preserved to the present day. 



CHAPTER XVII. 

YORKTOWN AND AFTER. 

Review of the Political Situation — Strength in Weakness — 
Adoption of the Articles of Confederation — A Rope of 
Sand — Controversies With the Virginia Authorities — Vin- 
dication of Steuben — Financial Difficulties — Attack on New 
York Discussed — Peace Negotiations — France and Spain 
Suggest the Alleghenies for the Western Boundary — 
Steuben Appeals to the King of France. 

The surrender of Cornwallis produced such a radical 
change in the condition of affairs that it may be profitable 
at this juncture to glance at the political events with 
which Baron Steuben afterwards became more closely 
connected. The lack of real authority on the part of the 
Continental Congress, which the British scornfully de- 
nominated a vagrant horde, and which was in fact only 
a large committee representing the different colonies, im- 
pressed on the minds of the Colonists at a very early date 
the desirablity of some more definite form of govern- 
ment, whose powers, even if restricted, should at least 
possess a tangible reality. It must be remembered that 
the term "United States," although in common use at 
that time, implied no feeling of nationality outside of a 
comparatively few individuals, but was simply what its 
name indicated — a league of sovereign Commonwealths 
bound together for mutual interest and protection, in 
which league each and all stood on an equality, and from 
which any or all could withdraw at pleasure. Hence it 
was not surprising that one of the first actions of the 
Congress was the preparation of the instrument known 
as the Articles of Confederation for the purpose of se- 
curing a "perpetual union" of the Colonies, now called 



268 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

"States." It was not, however, until November 15, 1777, 
that the final draft of this document was prepared for 
submission to the "States," not the people. The germ of 
nationality was planted in the provision which provided 
that citizens of any State were entitled to all the privileges 
and immunities of citizens in every other State, so that 
Pennsylvania for instance could not enact a law favoring 
her own people at the expense of a New Yorker residing 
within her borders. Each State could have not less than 
two nor more than seven delegates in Congress, to be 
paid by the State, and when it came to balloting each State 
was to have one vote, and nine such votes were necessary 
to enact a law. There was no President in the present 
sense of that term, but during the recess of Congress the 
Government was administered by an executive commit- 
tee of one from each State. The right to declare war or 
make peace was placed in Congress, but it could only get 
troops by requisitions on the States. Postoffice, coinage 
and like matters were entrusted to Congress, in connec- 
tion with States, but that body had not the power to levy 
taxes or of enforcing its own decrees. There was no 
Supreme Court, some the duties later conferred on that 
body being lodged with Congress. Without going fur- 
ther into details, it is sufficient to say that the instrument 
above named was no sooner put into operation than it 
was found to be unworkable. A body that had neither 
the power of the purse nor of the sword, but must de- 
pend upon another sovereignty to enforce its decrees could 
hardly be called a government whatever else it might be. 
Hence the correct conclusion of Von Hoist that the new 
arrangement was worse than the old. The very strength 
of the Continental Government lay in its weakness. Not 
possessing any real power or claiming the right to 



YORKTOWN AND AFTER 269 

"coerce" a recalcitrant State, but, as has been said, being 
a general committee for the common defense, the States 
could obey its requests as coming from their own repre- 
sentatives, without jealousy or the fear of usurpation. 
And so the central body ventured on measures which un- 
der other circumstances would have been deemed a most 
unwarrantable stretch of power. But when this idea was 
crystalized into a written instrument the feeling became 
different, and stolid apathy or active opposition created 
obstacles that were insurmountable. The "Articles" were 
not to take effect until ratified by all the States, and for- 
tunately this did not take place until March 1, 1781, when 
Maryland gave her consent, so the war was practically 
over before the full operation of the instrument revealed 
its glaring defects. 

Baron Steuben did not immediately accompany 
Washington to New York. There were several reasons 
for this. Considerable work was yet to be done in Vir- 
ginia, and he did not know but that Greene might still 
need him in the South. But what probably influenced 
him more than anything else was the desire to vindicate 
himself from the charges and innuendos which certain 
enemies had made, especially in regard to the loss of 
stores at Point of Fork. His strict military methods and 
exposure of fraud and incompetentcy naturally drew 
upon him the hostility of all whose desire for gain or 
ease was stronger than their patriotism, and while they 
could do the Baron no permanent damage yet for the 
time being they were able to cause him considerable an- 
noyance. This was one reason which made him anxious 
to join Greene, until affairs reached a point when he felt 
that he must remain until the matter was settled. The 
grievances of the Virginia officials seemed to be princi- 



270 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

pally because he insisted on the organization of troops 
according to the instructions of Congress, and hostility 
was excited by his remonstrances, sometimes pretty 
vigorous, against the loose habits of the militia as mani- 
fested on one occasion by insurbordination and indis- 
criminate plundering of an English ship, and his criti- 
cism of the waste in several departments. He made 
other charges of a more serious nature, which, whether 
correct or not, brought upon him the enmity of those 
whom he thus verbally castigated. There does not seem to 
have been any formal attack upon him, however, on the 
part of the State authorities until after the affair at Point 
of Fork, and although this was fully explained, showing 
the loss was inconsiderable and the Baron was not to 
blame, yet the animosity continued. On October 6 
Washington wrote to Greene that ''Baron Steuben, from 
the warmth of his temper, has got disagreeably involved 
with the State, and an inquiry into part of his conduct 
must one day take place, both for his own honor and their 
satisfaction." Of course, Washington never doubted for 
a moment that such an inquiry would fully vindicate the 
Baron, and the latter was more than anxious for an in- 
vestigation. Both Greene and Lafayette expressed their 
approbation of his course, and the former on September 
17 wrote as follows : 



Your letter of the 13th of August gives me most sensible 
pain. I am sorry that a mind so zealous and intent in promot- 
ing the public good should be subject to chagrin and mortifi- 
cation for its well meant endeavors. But let me beg of you, 
my dear Baron, not to feel too sensibly the illiberal attack of a 
misguided populace. Merit is too often veiled for a time, and 
the best intentions subject to partial censure, and this more fre- 
quently in republican governments than any others. But it 
rarely happens that a man of worth is long without his reward, 
for although society may mistake for a time, men are generally 
willing to retract and approve when properly informed. And 



YORKTOWN AND AFTER 271 

I am so confident of the propriety of your conduct and the jus- 
tice of the people, that I have not the least doubt you will see 
this verified in your case. 

Lafayette, on reading this letter the day after Corn- 
wallis's surrender, referred to it as follows : 

The high terms in which he (Greene) speaks, particularly 
on the subject you allude to, are certainly sufficient for your 
satisfaction, so that I would think it needless for me to add 
anything to an opinion for which I have the highest veneration. 
I will therefore only speak of what can be supposed to have 
come under my immediate cognizance. In the beginning of the 
campaign I considered you and the new levies as belonging to 
the Carolina army. The letters in which General Greene and 
myself were positive for your joining me have been intercepted 
by the enemy. Lord Cornwallis's intention (as I have still more 
particularly ascertained) was to maneuver me from a junction 
with Wayne. His endeavors were vain, but his movements to- 
wards our stores threw me, for a little time, at a pretty great 
distance from the enemy. The account you received was given 
by Major Call, whom I requested to watch in that quarter the 
motions of Lord Cornwallis. Your movements at that moment 
must have been directed by the intelligence you received, and 
what you conceived to be General Greene's intentions. I was 
happy in your re-union with me, and I think it determined Lord 
Cornwallis to a speedy evacuation of Richmond. Let me add 
that during all the time we served together I have been so 
well satisfied with your assistance, that I was only sorry your 
health forced you to leave the army, where your experience 
and exertions were so useful. Should I have forgotten any- 
thing that might add to your satisfaction I will spare no pains 
to convince you of the sentiments I possess for you. 

The above would seem to have been sufficient in- 
dorsement of Steuben's actions by the men most com- 
petent to judge, and the matter could well have been 
allowed to drop right there had it not been for a resolu- 
tion passed by the Virginia legislature shortly after the 
retreat from Point of Fork requesting Lafayette to re- 
quire an explanation from the officers under his com- 
mand in regard to the loss of stores at that place. Of 
course, the Baron was the only one who could give that 
explanation, and he was ready at any time to do so, either 



272 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

to Lafayette or to the legislature itself. We have seen 
that Lafayette did not regard the matter as worthy of 
any attention, and in the letter just quoted practically de- 
clared that Steuben had acted on intelligence furnished 
by his (Lafayette's) officer specially detailed for that 
purpose, which was, of course, conclusive, and there was 
nothing left to investigate or explain. But the original 
resolution was a matter of record in the legislative jour- 
nal, and Steuben was unwilling to depart until the matter 
was officially cleared up. Accordingly, on November 1, 
while still at Williamsburg, he wrote to Governor Nelson, 
saying : "As my duty at present calls me northward, I 
cannot quit your state without asking your Excellency 
to inform me by an official letter if government have any 
complaint against me since I have had the honor of serv- 
ing in Virginia; that if there should be any I may justify 
myself before my departure. A reputation acquired dur- 
ing twenty-seven years' service authorizes me in this point 
of delicacy." 

No reply was received to this letter, and, accord- 
ingly, on December 13, Steuben addressed a communica- 
tion to General Harrison, President of the Assembly, 
stating : "I could be but exceedingly hurt by the implied 
censure passed on me by the resolve of the Assembly. 
The State of Virginia had before honored me with a par- 
ticular mark of esteem, and conscious that I had exerted 
my utmost to deserve it, I was unwilling to leave the 
state before I had fully justified my conduct. I accord- 
ingly wrote to Governor Nelson, desiring him to ac- 
quaint me with the nature of any complaint the state 
may have against me, but never received an answer. I 
must, therefore, repeat the same request to you, sir. Col- 



YORKTOWN AND AFTER 273 

onel Davies, General Lawson and Colonel Meade will be 
my witnesses as to the propriety of my conduct at Point 
of Fork." 

To this Harrison replied on the 28th : "The resolu- 
tions of the last xA.ssembly respecting the loss of the stores 
at the Point of Fork were sent to the Marquis De Lafay- 
ette, who informed the present Assembly by letter that he 
had been too much engaged to enter on the inquiry, for 
which he begged their excuse. There the matter rests, 
and I dare say will not be again taken up." 

It was evident by this time that those who had fa- 
vored the resolution were heartily ashamed of their ac- 
tion, and were very glad of an excuse to drop the whole 
affair. It was never heard of again. 

Mr. Kapp severely critizes Lafayette, both from 
a military standpoint, and because he considers him as 
detracting from the honor due Steuben on account of 
his work in Virginia. It is no doubt true that Lafayette 
was treated with great favor on political grounds, and 
to him was ascribed much of the influence in securing 
the French alliance which, as we have seen in the early 
part of this work, was really due to Beaumarchais. Nev- 
ertheless Lafayette undoubtedly rendered most important 
aid to the American cause, both politically and other- 
wise, and although it has never been claimed that he was 
a great general, his youth alone was against him in that 
respect, yet his career was most creditable and deserving 
of commendation. And it is not necessary to draw com- 
parison between him and Steuben. The latter sacrificed 
all his patrimony in coming to America, where he de- 
voted his life to the patriot cause. His military experi- 
ence was invaluable, and more than once turned defeat 
into victory. His labors were untiring, in season and 
out of season, amid the utmost discouragement and even 



274 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

hostility from those he was benefitting. But posterity is 
beginning to recognize his merit, and Greene's prediction 
has been more than verified. 

Many believed that the surrender of Cornwallis pre- 
saged the immediate termination of the war, and had the 
Americans been in condition to utilize at once the army 
set free by the end of the Virginia campaign, this might 
have been the case. But of the nine thousand Ameri- 
cans present at the surrender, three thousand five hun- 
dred were militia, and the four thousand five hundred 
Continentals were as usual poorly equipped. With this 
force added to the northern army they might continue to 
watch Clinton in New York, but as the French fleet had 
gone to the West Indies, leaving the English again in 
command of the sea, the capture of that city was out of 
the question.. Then, as before intimated, the country 
was becoming weary of the war, and the Articles of Con- 
federation which had now taken effect, instead of pro- 
viding a stronger government only emphasized its weak- 
ness. True the last extensive campaign had ended, and 
the last large battle fought, but a single serious mistake 
might easily undo all that had been accomplished, and it 
would not do to trust too implicitly the indications that 
the British ministry were ready to treat for peace. 

Steuben's plans for the reorganization of the army 
had been interrupted by the Virginia campaign, and for 
a year or more nothing had been done in that direction. 
It was imperatively necessary that this work be taken up 
at once, consequently at the beginning of 1782 we again 
find him with Washington's army about New York pre- 
paring to resume his former duties. In one respect there 
had been an improvement. The officers' having been fur- 
nished with printed copies of Steuben's instructions, had 
had the opportunity of becoming familiar with the same, 



YORKTOWN AND AFTER 275 

so the principal object was now to see that they were 
carried out. In this connection and in order to simplify 
the system Steuben proposed that in the future the of- 
ficers of the department be limited to an inspector general 
and two inspectors, one for the northern and one for the 
southern army. This met with the approval of Washing- 
ton, and Congress adopted the plan on January 10, thus 
completing the arrangement inaugurated by Steuben at 
Valley Forge four years before, which had been ham- 
pered and rendered largely nugatory by negligence and 
petty jealousies. The good that would have accrued 
from the early adoption of this plan may be set down 
as incalculable, and would have averted much of the 
trouble caused by loose organization, ill-defined author- 
ity, poor drilling and insubordination. Steuben was 
now Inspector General of all the armies, with Colonel 
Stewart as deputy for the northern army, and Lieutenant 
Colonel Ternant for the southern. While this reform 
was late it was better than not coming at all. The In- 
spector General was allowed a secretary in addition to 
his aides, and was required whenever the commander-in- 
chief saw fit to visit every part of the army to see that 
uniformity prevailed ; also inspect the military hospitals. 
The Baron took great pride in displaying his manoeuvres 
in the presence of the French officers, when their precision 
and quiet attracted special attention in view of the rather 
boisterous evolutions of their Gallic brothers. Once in dis- 
cussing some evolutions with a French general the latter 
mentioned one of considerable difficulty which he had 
witnessed in Silesia by the Prussian army, adding, "But 
we do not expect you to equal the veterans of the King of 
Prussia. All in good time." When the general had left 
Steuben remarked, "The time shall be next week. I will 
save the gentlemen who have not been in Silesia the 



276 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

trouble of going any further than Verplanck's Point for 
instructions." The affair came off as the Baron antici- 
pated with great eclat and edification for the visitors. 
The Baron gave a dinner in his tent to his French asso- 
ciates, saying, "I am glad to pay some part of the dinner 
debt we owe our allies." In fact, Steuben was always a 
great stickler for fulfilling the duties of hospitality in a 
manner which he conceived befitting his position, not- 
withstanding his financial condition, owing to the irregu- 
lar receipt of his pay, was not always equal to the de- 
mands imposed upon it. This was forcibly illustrated 
just after the siege of Yorktown, when the major gen- 
erals took turns in entertaining the British officers. At 
this time the Baron called on Colonel Walter .Stewart and 
desired to sell him his favorite charger in order to secure 
funds with which to entertain his late foes. ' 'Tis a 
good beast," said he, "and has proved a faithful servant 
through all the dangers of the war, but though painful 
to my heart we must part." Colonel Stewart refused to 
accept the horse, but offered his purse freely, with the 
suggestion that if this were not sufficient the Baron 
might sell or pledge his watch. "My dear friend," was 
the reply, " 'tis already sold. Poor North was sick and 
wanted necessaries. He is a brave fellow and possesses 
the best of hearts. The trifle it brought is set apart for 
his use. My horse must go — so no more, I beseech you, 
to turn me from my purpose. I am a major general in 
the service of the United States, and my private con- 
venience must not be put in the scale with the duty which 
my rank calls upon me imperiously to perform. ' An- 
other account says he sold such part of his camp equip- 
age, brought from Europe, as was of silver, that he 
might entertain, saying, "I can stand it no longer; we 
are continually dining with these people and cannot give 



YORKTOWN AND AFTER 277 

a piece of bratwurst in return ; they shall have one grand 
dinner if I eat my soup with a wooden spoon hereafter." 
Let us trust, although the Baron was compelled to sacri- 
fice his silver, yet he was enabled to retain his fourfooted 
companion.. 

There is usually a reaction after a spurt of any kind, 
and the condition of affairs in 1782 was no exception to 
the rule. Officially the war was in progress as much as 
ever, but there was talk of peace on both sides, causing 
a relaxation of efforts to keep up and provide for the 
army, which were just as necessary as ever. There were 
small skirmishes and much brutal outrage by companies of 
British partisans which scoured the country, but Wayne 
and Greene succeeded in largely suppressing this kind 
of work in the South, and on July 11 Savannah was 
evacuated, the regulars going to Charleston, the only 
ctiy south of the Potomac now left to them, and the 
Tories to Florida. Clinton was guilty of acts in New 
York which will forever render his memory infamous, 
but on May 5 he was superseded by Sir Guy Carleton, 
a humane and generous commander, who treated the 
peace negotiations as practically in force. Towards the 
close of the year Wilmot was killed in an enterprise 
against James Island, the last man to fall in the war. 

Under the Articles of Confederation Congress could 
requisition the States for money, but the States could suit 
themselves about complying, which in most cases was 
not at all. As a single example of the state of affairs, on 
March 1, 1782, the country owed Steuben $6,850 in 
specie (figures would hardly be sufficient to state this in 
Continental courrency), and being unable to draw bills 
of exchange even at heavy discount or to borrow any 
money he addressed the following personal letter to 
Washington : 



278 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

Without troubling your Excellency with a tedious detail 
of the hardships attending my situation, I pray you to consider 
the peculiarity of my employment compared with that of other 
officers. The arrangements which are going to take place for 
furnishing the army with provisions, forage, etc., will not be of 
advantage to me, and I am bound to travel from one part of the 
country to the other, to live at double expenses in taverns, in 
which I have to pay ready money not only for my personal ex- 
penses, but also for the entertainment of my aides de camp and 
horses necessary to perform our journeys. I would be happy 
if the pay allowed by Congress were equal to such expenses. 
I do not want to lay up any part of my pay, I ask no addition 
to it, but I declare it to be totally out of my power if my ap- 
pointments, as well those of January and February, as those 
occurring in the future, are not regularly paid me. With regard 
to the arrearages, I shall be satisfied to leave in the public 
funds $6,000 provided I am paid the remaining $850. which are 
indispensably necessary to enable me to discharge my expenses 
here and provide myself with the necessary equipage for the 
ensuing campaign. 

Washington took up the matter, and by special ex- 
ertions obtained the $850 asked for and also $500 on 
account of pay due for January and February, which 
was all he received since entering the service up to this 
time. 

The troubles in regard to arrears of pay and lack of 
supplies were not confined to Steuben, but were general 
throughout the army, Washington and some of the 
other officers had independent resources, but the destitu- 
tion was general. The army was not in condition to 
make a day's march, and had the British in New York 
not become apathetic they might at least have caused 
considerable trouble. There was mutiny among the Con- 
necticut soldiers arising from these causes, and it was 
deemed necessary to shoot the ringleaders. Officers sent 
in their resignations, and there appeared great danger of 
a general collapse. 

Amid all these troubles Washington did not lose 
sight of the fact that a direct movement against New 
York would be most desirable if there was the slightest 



YORKTOWN AND AFTER 279 

chance of success, and that in any event it was better to 
keep the army employed in active work than permit it to 
disintegrate through inanition. So, as in a similar con- 
dition, two years before, he called on Steuben for a review 
of the situation, a plan of attack, should one be attempted, 
and the chances of success or of failure. Steuben's re- 
port gives a valuable resume of the state of affairs at 
that time. Leaving out Canada he sums up the forces 
then in America as follows : 

British Army. 

Regulars at New York 9,000 

Militia .' 3,000 

Garrison at Charleston 3,000 

Garrison at Savannah 700 

Total 15,700 

Allied Army. 

Northern Cont. Army 10.000 

French Troops 4.0OO 

Southern Army 2,000 

Total 16,000 

American militia do riot seem to be included in the 
above, which number was constantly fluctuating from 
practically nothing to four or five thousand. Taking the 
above figures as a basis the Baron proceeds to discuss the 
chances of an attack on New York, as follows : 

The position of the enemy is on three islands. Whenever 
we attack one the other two must be kept in check. If, then, 
the besieged should consist of 12.000 men, and the besiegers of 
24,000. the latter must be divided into three parts, each consist- 
ing of 8,000 men. The points of attack are the passage at 
Kingsbridge. the Heights of Brooklyn, and the works on Staten 
Island. The shortest line of communication between them is 
from twenty to twenty-four miles with a river between each. 
How, then, is the one to support the other in case of a superior 
attack, which the enemy may easily make, as they possess every 
possible advantage by water? And. even supposing we should 
obtain possession of either island, what position should we take 
to cover our flanks from the enemy's force by water? But if 



280 GENERAL WILLIAM VOX STEUBEN 

we should be unfortunate enough to have any one division de- 
feated, what retreat is left while the enemy keep possession of 
the water? 

These reasons alone prove to me sufficiently the impropriety 
of such an undertaking as long as the enemy keep poss< 
of the port and the river by which the islands are surrounded. 

As soon as a superior fleet shall have blocked up the harbor 
without, our principal object, I conceive, will be Long Island, 
in which case the greater part of our strength will be necessarily 
employed in carrying the works at Brooklyn, either by 
storm or regular approaches, and to erect batteries to bombard 
the city and the fleet in the bay. But even then it will be neces- 
sary that our frigates should be in possession of the Sound, and 
that batteries should be erected on our flanks commanding the 
river. 

The last proposition supposes that we were in possession 
y of the harbor and had the superiority at sea. In this case we 

dd be highly reprehensible if we did not make the attempt; 

yet even then I would propose that we should have the most 

pointed assurances that the fleet destined for this service should 

in 'ong enough to effect a co-operation on the occasion. It 

Id also be necessary to make an exact estimate of the num- 
ber of troops and the mean= which we possess to make the at- 
lempt. If the enemy should abandon the southern States and 
collect their whole force at New York, it would amount to 
16,000 men. and by recalling our troops thence we should 

un1 to the same number. If they retain possession of 
Charleston and Savannah General Greene must also remain 
there, and then we shall be in the same proportion of 14,000 to 
14.000. 

It would be no le^s difficult than hazardous to attack the 
enemy in their present position with less than double this num- 
ber, or 28,000 men. If the States of Hampshire, Rhode Island, 
Connecticut, New York and Jersey could send 4,000 men as 
rank and Hie into the regular army, it would amount to 14,000 
men (Continental troops); 4,000 French and 10,000 militia; with 
this and no less than this, I conceive we might attempt the en- 
terprise. 

As a conclusion to the above resume of the whole 
situation the Baron expresses the fear that the supposi- 
tions on which the questions depend will never be real- 
ized. "The late unfortunate defeat of the French fleet 
in the West Indies, the improbability of collecting a force 
sufficient to carry on the siege, and the difficulty, I had 
almost said the impossibility, of supporting them, afford 



YORKTOWN AND AFTER 281 

but too just grounds for this suggestion." He goes 
farther, however, and although the proposition to attack 
New York is shown to be chimerical, he concludes as 
follows : 

However, though our particular situation makes it hazard- 
ous to undertake an operation which calls for more force and 
greater resources than we at present possess, yet I am not of 
opinion that we should permit the campaign to waste away 
without improving those advantages which are within our reach. 
The army should move down and take some advantageous posi- 
tion at or near the White Plains, and if our force will admit 
that the two York regiments, with Hazen's, should be added 
to the two Hampshire regiments who are now stationed on the 
northern frontier, and march under the command of Hazen. to- 
wards St. John's in Canada, by the road lately laid out or which 
other way may appear most proper; if this diversion should be 
attended with no other advantages it would at least prevent the 
incursions of the savages, a circumstance of the greatest import- 
ance. Should it, therefore, be advisable to recall the French 
troops from Virginia I should conceive the army would be form- 
idable enough to move down and take an advantageous post at 
or near White Plains: and if by the addition of recruits or mili- 
tia our situation would admit of a diversion with the two York 
regiments under Hazen. added to those of Hampshire, toward 
the garrison of St. John's in Canada, I am persuaded it would 
be attended with the most salutary consequences. 

But peace talk and other causes had produced so much 
apathy that the inertia could not be overcome, and so none 
of these suggestions was adopted. Neither New Eng- 
land nor the Middle States possessed a George Rogers 
Clark to invade Canada and at least make the St. Law- 
rence the northeastern boundary from Lake Ontario to 
the sea. 

During this period Washington received a letter 
from one Colonel Lewis Nicola, who had obtained some 
prominence in the army, who attributed the existing dis- 
tress to the form of government, and suggesting a con- 
stitutional monarchy like that of England. It was deli- 
cately hinted that Washington would be the proper per- 



282 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

son to head a movement in that direction. Had Wash- 
ington been either a Caesar or Napoleon the suggestion in 
the then desperate state of affairs might have carried 
some weight. Being neither, but an American patriot, 
he wrote a most stinging reply, concluding with the 
words, "I am much at a loss to conceive what part of 
my conduct could have given encouragement to an ad- 
dress, which to me seems big with the greatest mischiefs 
that can befall my country. If I am not deceived in the 
knowledge of myself you could not have found a person 
to whom your schemes are more disagreeable. At the 
same time, in justice to my own feelings, I must add 
that no man possesses a more sincere wish to see ample 
justice done to the army than I do. and as far as my 
powers and influence, in a constitutional way, extend, 
they shall be employed to the utmost of my abilities to 
that effect should there be any occasion. Let me conjure 
you, then, if you have any regard for your country, con- 
cern for yourself or posterity, respect for me, to banish 
these thoughts from your mind, and never communicate, 
as from yourself or any one else, a sentiment of the like 
nature." 

The muster roll of the northern army at the June 
inspection, 1782, disclosed seven thousand nine hundred 
and thirty-seven infantry and seven hundred and ninety- 
eight artillery, a total of eight thousand seven hundred 
and thirty-five, with two hundred and thirty-four sick 
and absent, leaving eight thousand four hundred and 
ninety-four fit for duty, this, of course, not including the 
sporadic militia. The universal poverty was displayed 
to an almost ludicrous extent by the fact that blanks and 
muster rolls were allowed to lie in the post offices for 
want of cash to pay for the cost of postage. Congress not 
having allowed them the franking privilege unless the 



YORKTOWN AND AFTER 283 

words "public business" were written upon them, a duty 
which some of the officers neglected to perform. In spite 
of all these drawbacks drilling and inspection were car- 
ried on with such efficiency that on June 18 Washington 
issued a general order from his headquarters in Newburg 
expressing satisfaction with the appearance and manoeu- 
vres of the troops and returning thanks to Major General 
Baron De Steuben for the indefatigable assiduity and 
singular attention exhibited in the late inspection and 
review, and for his eminent service in promoting the dis- 
cipline of the army on all occasions. 

In accordance with his policy of keeping up the in- 
spection and drill at all hazards Steuben paid the ex- 
penses of two officers sent to Saratoga out of his own 
pocket. On another occasion when Colonel Hazen's 
regiment was to be reviewed at Lancaster, Pa., the Min- 
ister of War said it was not worth while to go to that 
out-of-the-way place, to which Steuben replied, "It is my 
opinion that omitting the inspection of only one regiment 
for one month can cause more expense to the United 
States than the inspection of the whole army for a year 
can cost." 

Matters were going from bad to worse. Steuben 
writes : "Tf my life depended on it I would not be able to 
raise ten dollars on credit. The certificate for $6,000 
which I held from the United States I offered in vain for 
one-tenth of its nominal value. There is no resource 
whatever left in me. I have already lost six horses since 
I am in the service chiefly for want of forage, the two 
best were stolen, as, while in West Point, I had to send 
them twenty miles from that place to find pasturage for 
them; besides that for want of bolts and bars for my 
house, my silver and linen were stolen, so that I am re- 
duced in everything." 



284 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

Of course the $850 pittance which Steuben had re- 
ceived from Congress in the spring was a mere bagatelle 
and was speedily dissipated. In June he wrote to the 
Secretaries of War and Finance that the defrayment of 
at least his ordinary expenses was an absolute necessity, 
pointedly stating that, "While other officers were sta- 
tioned within their respective divisions, brigades and 
corps, and could avail themselves of their ordinary sup- 
plies, the nature of my duty kept me in constant motion 
from one division of the army, and even from one army 
to another, necessarily subjecting me to all the expenses 
incident to traveling. I ever have been, and ever will be, 
disposed to draw an equal lot with those truly brave men 
whose sufferings have long since called aloud for speedy 
redress ; with them I have frequently wanted not only 
the conveniences but even the necessaries of life, and if 
my duty confined me to my camp and quarters, I would 
not conceive myself entitled to any extraordinary privi- 
lege. Hitherto I have never made a reciuisition of any 
kind to Congress, and entreat your Excellency to be per- 
suaded that it is with singular pain I am compelled to 
make one at this time; but the duty I owe to my own 
feelings, as well as the respect I entertain to that august 
body, required that I should thus be explicit with them." 
This communication, not appearing to have any ef- 
fect, Steuben concluded to go in person to Philadelphia, 
and during the journey he inspected and reviewed the 
troops stationed along the line of his route. In order to 
better sustain his claims he propounded certain questions 
to Washington as to the necessity of his department in 
the army, and whether it had been conducted during the 
previous five years in accordance with the wishes of the 
commander-in-chief, and whether it had come up to ex- 
pectations. To both these questions Washington responded 



YORKTOWN AND AFTER 285 

decidedly in the affirmative, adding that the department 
had been of the utmost utility and continued to be of the 
greatest importance for reasons too obvious to need 
enumeration, but more especially for having established 
one uniform system of manoeuvres and regulation in an 
army composed of thirteen states (each having its local 
prejudices), and subject to interruptions and deviations 
from the frequent changes and dissolutions it had under- 
gone. The intelligence, activity and zeal of the Baron 
were highly commended as not less beneficial to the public 
than honorable to himself, and the general expressed 
himself as having abundant reason to be satisfied with the 
inspector's abilities and attention to the duties of his 
office.. 

But Congress dallied along and did nothing, and al- 
though Steuben was in receipt of unsolicited testimonials 
as to the justice of his cause and the condition of the 
army, they did not relieve the tension. Walker wrote 
from Newburg on November 20 that the discontent was 
general, and a memorial to Congress was under consid- 
eration. North wrote him on October 29 : "Your ser- 
vices to my ungrateful country have been treated with a 
neglect shocking to every man of sensibility. * * * 
The army of the United States know what you have 
done ; your intimate friends only know what you have 
suffered, since you took upon you the Herculean task of 
forming the American armies. It is now five years since 
you undertook this last work. How well you have suc- 
ceeded the present state of the army will declare; but 
unfortunately for our honor your reward only consists 
in the consciousness of having acted a great and good 
part. The war, my dear general, is, perhaps, drawing 
towards a close. It has happily been successful, and you 
doubtless have acquired a lasting honor by the part you 



286 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

had in it. But honor alone will never compensate for 
your sacrifices in Europe, nor your sacrifices in America ; 
a reward of another kind is due. Justice to yourself and 
to your friends points out the necessity of your endeav- 
ouring to procure it." 

General Otho Williams, coming north at this time, 
was especially struck with the change in the condition of 
the troops, and volunteered the following: "How much 
our troops are indebted to you, sir, for that military abil- 
ity and appearance in which they now both so advantage- 
ously compare with the best disciplined troops in Europe, 
Congress, his Excellency General Washington and other 
eminent characters, bear honorable testimony. The per- 
sonal knowedge I have, as an officer of the American 
army, acquired from your general instructions, influences 
my gratitude to add my private thanks to the more im- 
portant acknowledgements you have already and repeat- 
edly received." 

General Gates visited the army during the fall of 
1782 while it was building huts to go into winter quar- 
ters at New Windsor. He had been absent three years, 
and writes to the Baron his astonishment with which he 
beheld the order, regularity and attention which he had 
taught the American army, and that the obedience, ex- 
actness and true spirit of military discipline which he had 
infused into them did him the highest honor. He hopes 
that the generosity of the governing powers will proclaim 
to the world his merits and their obligation, and thus 
convince mankind that the Republics of America have at 
least the virtue to be grateful." 

General Robert Howe wrote to the same effect, and 
these epistles might be considerably multiplied if neces- 
sary, but the evidence would only be cumulative. 

But still there was nothing doing, and at last, tired 



YORKTOWN AND AFTER 287 

out with waiting, Steuben on December 4: addressed a 
letter to Hon. Elias Bondinot, President of Congress, 
calling attention to the fact that he had now given five 
years' service to the American army after renouncing 
respectable commands and affluent circumstances in Eu- 
rope, and it was mortifying to appeal to Congress 
in reference to his private affairs. His private resources 
being exhausted, he entreated Boudinot to appoint 
a committee to examine into his situation and report the 
reasonableness of his demands. He was ready to demon- 
strate wherein his administration had resulted in im- 
mense saving to the country, and refers to the remarkable 
order and discipline which now prevailed in the army, 
winning the approbation of its allies. He concluded as 
follows : "When I drew my sword in defense of these 
states I did it with a determination that death only should 
force me to lay it down before Great Britain had ac- 
knowledged the independence of America, and I still 
persist in the same resolution. Your own feelings, sir, 
and those of Congress may enable you to judge of those 
of an old soldier who finds himself obligated to mention 
facts of such a nature as those I have been laying before 
you. Congress will do me the justice to believe that, in 
doing justice to the zeal and capacity of the officers, and 
the docility of the soldiers of the Federal army, to speak 
of myself is a task highly painful and disagreeable to 
me." 

Congress seemed moved at last to take the matter 
up, and appointed a committee, consisting of Messrs. 
Hamilton, Clarke and Carroll, to investigate and report. 
It did not take the committee long to verify each and 
every statement made by the Baron, his relinquishment 
of substantial benefits in Europe, his coming to America 
at a critical period, his disinterested work in the army 



288 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

without the compensation similar to those made to other 
foreign officers ; his establishment of discipline, order and 
economy in the army and his conduct as a brave and ex- 
perienced officer, all of which entitled him to the dis- 
tinguished consideration of Congress and to a generous 
compensation whenever the situation of public affairs 
would admit. It was also found that the Baron had con- 
siderable arrearages of pay due him, and that having 
exhausted his own resources it was indispensable that a 
sum of money be paid him for his present support, and 
to enable him to take the field for another campaign. It 
was proposed that $2,400 be paid him to be charged to 
his account, and that he be allowed $300 per month in 
lieu of extra pay on account of traveling expenses, forage, 
etc. Congress on December 30 adopted these sugges- 
tions, and thus the matter closed for the present. 

Holland recognized the independence of the United 
States on March 29, 1782, and on August 2 Sir Guy 
Carelton and Admiral Digby sent a joint letter to Wash- 
ington, informing him that general peace negotiations 
had been opened at Paris. Washington, however, re- 
laxed none of his vigilance on that account, rightly judg- 
ing that the surest way to expedite the progress of the 
negotiations was to keep the army up to a state of ef- 
ficiency as far as possible. Disintegration or disaster 
would certainly cause the British ministry to call a halt 
in the negotiations, which were in fact not concluded 
until the following spring. In September the northern 
army was strengthened by the addition of the French 
from Virginia, which added much to the gayety of the 
force as well as its strength. 

But notwithstanding the evidence that war was 
officially in progress the belief was general that the end 
was near. Outside the fact that negotiations were ac- 



YORKTOWN AND AFTER 289 

tually in progress was the further fact that the British 
now held but two cities on the Atlantic coast — New York 
and Charleston — and the tenure of the latter was very in- 
secure. No invasion of the country could be safely at- 
tempted without reinforcements, which the ministry were 
not able to send, however much they might desire it. 
Besides the United States England was at war with 
France, Spain and Holland, and there were plenty spec- 
tators in Continental Europe watching for her downfall. 
The conviction had become general that the American 
Colonies were lost beyond recovery, and the only object 
now was to get out of a bad situation with as little loss 
of material and prestige as possible. Peace negotiations 
had been delayed by previous instructions of Congress to 
the American Commissioners to do nothing without the 
co-operation of France, and that nation with Spain was 
not anxious that America should have the great territory 
northwest of the Ohio river. In fact, a map of the coun- 
try as proposed by these two powers made the Allegheny 
mountains the western boundary of the United States, 
taking in only the original thirteen colonies along the At- 
lantic coast. All west of the present states of Georgia, 
South Carolina, North Carolina and the greater part of 
Virginia to the Missisippi and south of the Ohio 
river was to be a neutral zone under the name of Indian 
Territory, and all northwest of the Ohio to the Missis- 
sippi was to remain a part of the Province of Quebec, to 
which it had been annexed in 1774. Spain was to retain 
the Floridas and the Louisiana territory. This delectable 
programme, however, received its quietus by the state- 
ment that George Rogers Clark and his hardy band of 
Virginia troops had settled that question by the conquest 
of the disputed territory which was now in possession 
of the United States, and there it would remain. The 



290 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

logic of events was too strong for the schemes of intrigu- 
ing European diplomats, and the Mississippi and the great 
lakes became the western and northern boundary. 

It was natural under such condition of affairs that 
many of the officers should be taking thought of the fu- 
ture when the army should be disbanded and they were 
retired to civil life. Of course, so far as the French of- 
ficers were concerned, they had their permanent positions 
in the army, and in a few years were destined to have 
more occupation than they anticipated. The Americans 
were at home, and could look forward either to political 
preferment or engaging in business and professional life. 
To Baron Steuben there was no such opening. His pro- 
fession had been solely military, and the chances of tak- 
ing up another pursuit in a foreign country at his age 
were not encouraging. He had cut loose entirely from 
Germany, and it was not unnatural that he should turn 
to those who had first suggested that he go to America 
and furnished the means to do so. Hence it is not sur- 
prising that during the latter part of 1782, when peace 
was clearly in sight, we find him writing to various 
French officials concerning his future prospects. The 
first of these letters is to Luzerne, the French minister, 
wherein he recites his work of the preceding five years, 
and suggests that Luzerne having personal knowledge of 
the facts, forward an enclosed letter to Count Vergennes. 
The latter was asked to authorize Luzerne to state to 
Congress that it was with the acquiescence of France that 
the Baron had come to America, and interest himself 
in having his claims adjusted. He follows this with two 
other letters sent directly to Vergennes through Chev- 
alier De Chattelux, along the same line, but with the 
second one was enclosed a memorial to the French Court, 



YORKTOWN AND AFTER 201 

in which he anticipated a favorable report of his opera- 
tions by Chattellux, and adds these significant words : 

The zeal and perseverance with which for a period of nearly 
six years he has surmounted every obstacle, the difficulty of 
conducting his operations without any support, and almost with- 
out means, and lastly the system which he has established, and 
the success which has followed it, are the titles on which he pre- 
sumes to rest his claims to the favors and munificence of His 
Most Christian Majesty. He binds himself to bring the work 
he has commenced to a termination. It is only when the war 
shall have ceased, and the independence of America shall have 
been recognized by England, that he wishes to finish his days 
in the dominion of His Majesty. He hopes to obtain from the 
United States of America an indemnity for the sacrifices he has 
made to enable him to enter into their service. This sum would 
nearly reinstate him in the same situation he was in previous to 
leaving Europe. Whom can he look to for the reward of such 
a hazardous enterprize if it is not to the generosity of that 
prince who has rewarded the smallest services renderded in this 
revolution? Encouraged by these examples of generosity he 
presumes to take the liberty of asking for the favors mentioned 
in the following: that His Mejesty will condescend, after this 
war, to grant him the same rank in his armies which he may 
then hold in the American service. As his age will hardly allow 
him to be actively employed, the rank which he asks will not 
cause any jealousy in the army. That will be a title wished 
for by an old soldier which would confer upon him the sole 
object of his ambition. That His Majesty will add to the pen- 
sion which Mr. De Steuben hopes to obtain from Congress, such 
sum as will yield him a life interest of 20.000 livres (about 
$4,000) per annum, to enable him to end his days at ease in the 
States of the King. 

Mr. De Steuben is emboldened to beseech the Count De 
Vergennes to grant him his influence for obtaining the favor 
which he asks. It is worthy of the munificence of the King. It 
will be the reward of an old soldier who has sacrificed all to 
attain so interesting an object as the independence of America. 

By the same post Steuben sent a letter to Prince De 
Montbarey recalling the latter's former friendship, and 
asking an expression of approval from him. 

Vergennes did not reply to these communications 
until July 21 following, acknowledging their receipt, 
and concluding with the following rather non-committal 



292 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

language : "I have taken great interest in your success. 
You have rendered valuable service to the United States, 
and I do not doubt you will harvest the fruit which you 
have the right to expect. I have the honor of being your 
obedient servant. De Vergennes." 

What would have been the final result to Steuben 
had he entered the French service it is idle to speculate. 
Before Congress had settled his claims France was in 
the throes of revolution, to be followed by the Reign of 
Terror and the beheading of that sovereign to whom 
Steuben was now appealing, while the latter had appro- 
priately assumed the duties and privileges of citizenship 
in the country to which he had rendered these years of 
efficient service.. 



CHAPTER XVIII. 

DISBANDING THE ARMY. 

Difficulties of the Officers — Peace Officially Announced — Part- 
ing Scenes — Testimonials to Steuben — Plans a Military 
Academy — Visit to Frontier Posts — Washington's Farewell 
Letter— A Belated Tribute. 

Notwithstanding the prospect of peace the year 1783 
cannot be said to have opened very encouragingly. The 
main army was in winter quarters in the huts the troops 
had built about Newburg. Affairs were not as bad as at 
Valley Forge five years earlier, but they were bad enough, 
and the months of inaction gave the men plenty of time 
to brood over their wrongs. While facing the enemy, 
whether in camp, on the march, or in battle, their patriot- 
ism was proof for years against every strain, but now 
that this tension was relaxed the feeling that they were 
treated unjustly by the country they had saved bid fair 
to overcome every other sentiment. A committee was 
sent to Philadelphia to present their case before Congress, 
which, among other things, reported : 

We, the officers of the army of the United States, in behalf 
of ourselves and our brethren the soldiers, beg leave freely to 
state to the supreme power, our head and sovereign, the great 
distress under which we labor. Our embarrassments thicken so 
fast that many of us are unable to go farther. Shadows have 
been offered to us, while the substance has been gleaned by 
others. The citizens murmur at the greatness of their taxes, 
and no part reaches the army. We have borne all that men can 
bear. Our property is expended; our private resources are at 
an end. We therefore beg that a supply of money may be for- 
warded to the army as soon as possible. The uneasiness of the 
soldiers for want of pay is great and dangerous, further experi- 
ments on their patience may have fatal effects. There is a bal- 
ance due for retained rations, forage, and arrearages on the 
score of clothing. Whenever there has been a real want of 



294 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

means, defect in system or in execution we have invariably been 
the sufferers by hunger and nakedness, and by languishing in a 
hospital, etc. 

The Superintendent of Finance, Robert Morris, in- 
formed Congress that not only was the treasury empty, 
but that he had overdrawn his European account by 
$700,000. Congress authorized a further loan, as noth- 
ing could be raised by taxes. It was a great source of 
irritation that the state legislatures never adjourned with- 
out paying themselves in full, and those on the United 
States civil list received their salaries regularly. Con- 
gress hesitated to take radical measures for fear of of- 
fending the states, when Morris threatened to resign un- 
less something was done, so on February 5 he was en- 
abled to issue a warrant, by which the officers received 
one month's pay in notes and the privates a month's pay 
in installments of fifty cents each. 

On April 21, 1778, Congress had agreed that the 
officers of the army should receive a life pension begin- 
ning at the close of the war, equal to one-half their ex- 
isting pay. Later this was altered to half pay for seven 
years. It was now attempted to repudiate this contract, 
although the Articles of Confederation provided that all 
debts contracted by the Continental Congress should be 
held valid. Some of the longer heads were beginning to 
realize that the Confederation was a sham, and unless 
strengthened must soon fall to pieces of its own weight, 
but that did not help the immediate situation. . 

Finally, on March 10. an anonymous circular was 
sent through the camp, calling a meeting of officers to 
consider a letter from Philadelphia. It was an insidious 
appeal to force in case Congress failed to accede to the 
demands of the army. As soon as Washington heard 
of it he called a meeting of officers on the 15th, ostensibly 



DISBANDING THE ARMY 295 

to receive the report of the committee which had been 
sent to Philadelphia. To the surprise of Gates and other 
malcontents who had engineered the scheme Washing- 
ton himself was present. Gates was in the chair, when 
the commander-in-chief arose, and in a neloquent ad- 
dress beseeched his comrades not to sully their patriotism 
which had been so sorely tried through previous years 
by any grievous error now. He concluded by saying that 
his utmost endeavors would be to see that justice was 
done. The address had its effect, and a resolution was 
promptly adopted concurring with him, and declaring 
that nothing should be done calculated to sully the glory 
and reputation acquired at the price of their blood and 
eight years' faithful service. Washington at once wrote 
a strong appeal to Congress, which again took up the 
matter, and the vote of nine States, necessary under the 
Articles, passed a resolution commuting the half-pay 
proposition into a sum equal to five years' whole pay, 
and the matter was settled. 

Washington received on April 17 the proclamation 
of Congress officially announcing that a treaty of peace 
had been concluded on January 20 preceding. This was 
given to the army two days later, just eight years after 
the battle of Lexington, and it is not necessary to descant 
on the joy that prevailed. Many of the soldiers desired 
to go home at once, and Congress authorized Washing- 
ton to grant furloughs at discretion, which power was 
exercised liberally, and the danger of disbanding large 
companies of unpaid troops at one time was thus avoided. 

Steuben, seeing that nothing was to be accomplished 
for the present by remaining in Philadelphia, returned 
to Washington's headquarter's, on the Hudson, in March, 
and was immediately called to active duty in connection 
with the disbandment of the army, the difficulties con- 



296 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

nected with which we have already discussed to a lim- 
ited extent. As Richard Peters wrote to Steuben on 
April 23, "Our means are small though our wishes are 
favorable and sincere. Our circumstances afford an odd 
contrast to those we have heretofore experienced. The 
difficulty which heretofore oppressed us was how to raise 
an army; the one which now embarasses us is how to dis- 
solve it. Everything that Congress can do for our de- 
serving soldiers will be done, but an empty purse is a bar 
to the execution of the best plans." 

The Baron's decidedly humorous reply to this com- 
munication is worthy of reproduction, notwithstanding 
its length : 

This glorious peace has caused a great change in my way 
of thinking. You know, my dear friend, that I have often la- 
mented, like Heraclitus, the follies of the human race. But I 
now laugh, like Democritus. particularly at our extravagance. A 
money without gold or silver, military schools where they teach 
the Presbyterian catechism, arsenals filled with the Word of 
God, and even the hereditary sin of Congress, an empty purse, 
are things to make the gloomiest pedagogue laugh. But what 
will the world say if this great independent empire, which has 
supported a war for eight years against Great Britain, cannot 
support itself during one year of peace? O. Fathers of Areo- 
pagus, spare the poor Americans this ridicule. Do not make 
money without metal, or arsenals without arms. "Has not this 
old German Baron plenty of reason to laugh his own folly?" 
You will say, as a member of Congress. "Must he always amuse 
himself at the expense of his sovereign?" Stop, member of 
Congress! I am Baron of the Holy Roman Empire, conse- 
quently a sovereign myself. Quite as poor, but quite as proud 
as any American Senator, I retain the privilege of laughing at 
your folly as I laugh at those of the sovereign pontiff or of 
Kings. Will they believe in Europe, that after seven years of 
war this country is quite as thickly populated, if not more so, 
as it was when the war began; that at this moment the country 
is quite as widely cultivated, has as much merchandise and far 
more coin than it had before the war; that its commerce is more 
extended than ever, and its ports the market of the world: that 
everybody has more of everything than he needs; that among 
three million of men thirteen (certainly the most enlightened) 
have been chosen to govern this vast empire; and that this same 



DISBANDING THE ARMY 297 

vast empire has no more credit than the smallest village in the 
Canton of Grison? O, Fathers of the Areopagus, suffer not the 
Grisons and the grizettes to laugh at us! Go on, gentlemen, 
when Providence gives you wisdom. I shall lose the greatest 
object of my mirth. 

But, gentlemen laughers, what would you do if you were 
Congress, without money, without credit, without authority, and 
the people unwilling to pay taxes? The case is certainly a 
difficult one. As a Prussian officer I shall reply — but that wont 
do. I should resort to common sense. I should beg Common 
Sense to speak to the people in its own language (the most un- 
intelligible to the people); to explain first the advantages that 
result from the independence obtained by peace; then the debt 
they have contracted to obtain these advantages; the necessity 
to pay these debt to maintain the national credit; the decline of 
a nation and of each individual inhabitant when the national 
credit declines; the advantages of a solid confederation to se- 
cure the property of every citizen; and finally, I would beg 
Common Sense to show the people a bill, as simple as that of 
the butcher, of the general debt, the annual interest, the division 
of this interest among the inhabitants, and the sum required to 
pay it off, and provide for the wants and security of the empire, 
also divided among the people. The people seeing that this sum 
will be very small (which it ought to be) will not hesitate to 
adopt the proposed measures. 

I think that a pamphlet written by Common Sense on this 
subject would produce a better effect than all the recommenda- 
tions of Congress in prose and verse. "But if the people will not 
listen to Common Sense?" In that case I should say to such a 
people, "Go to the devil with your independence." Adieu, my 
dear friend. 

As already intimated the suspension of hostilities 
having been announced on April 19, the manner of dis- 
banding- the army was the first and foremost question, 
as well as its peace footing if any was to be 
maintained. At Washington's request Steuben on April 
26 submitted a plan at once efficient and dignified. He 
proposed that every man before dismissal should receive 
a printed discharge signed by the commander-in-chief, 
which would be a testimonial of the recipient's patriotism 
and valor and also legal evidence of his services should 
any be needed. Of course a record was to be kept of all 
discharges, and the troops to be dismissed in line begin- 



298 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

ning with New Hampshire. The troops were to be as- 
sembled in regiments or battalions, and after inspection 
were to march to a rendezvous in their respective states, 
where they were to be finally dismissed. Those who re- 
mained to be formed in battalions and companies until 
other arrangements were made. Washington approved 
of the plan, but, as we have seen, financial embarrass- 
ments made it impossible to carry it out. In a subsequent 
letter to North the Baron gives some details concerning 
the manner in which the army was finally dispersed, in 
which he once more displays his wit and sarcasm. Among 
other things, he says : 

This disbandment of the army, for instance, was so thor- 
oughly comic that you would have laughed yourself sick had 
you seen it. I drew the most amusing picture of it for your 
special entertainment, but all of a sudden I thought, "The lazy 
fellow does not deserve it," and I tore up the work. * * * 
Every man played his part in the melancholy scene according 
to his character. As I could not trust my temper. I shut myself 
up in my rooms and pleaded illness. Each corps was disbanded 
by separate orders to the commander of each regiment, with 
the exception of the general order announcing the resolution of 
Congress. Each corps dispersed without leave-taking on either 
side. As Congress said nothing to either officers or soldiers, 
the commander in chief did not see fit to say anything, al- 
though everyone considered this an absolute dismissal. I was 
the only person who had to bear the sad farewells of the of- 
ficers and soldiers. They came to visit me in my retreat, and 
nearly all of them in heart-broken accents began the conversa- 
tion by asking me what I thought of the way they had been dis- 
missed. Not venturing to say what I thought I had nothing 
left to do but assure them of my friendship, and console them 
as well as I could. The New York regiments which were a 
model of discipline and order for the entire army, were dis- 
banded the same day. The officers did me the honor to present 
me an address, of which I enclose you a copy. As they only 
addressed the Governor and myself, how do you think the pro- 
ceedings will be regarded? However that may be, I feel infin- 
itely flattered, and their kindly sentiments towards me will be 
the consolation of my old days. 

What a contrast does all this present to the grand 
review in Washington at the close of the Civil War, and 



DISBANDING THE ARMY 299 

how the Baron would have delighted in such a pageant 
as the latter, even though on a much smaller scale! 

Concerning the peace establishment Steuben had al- 
ready furnished a simple plan to Washington, suggesting 
that the troops retained be entirely Continental as distinct 
from the militia, thus planting the germ of what has since 
become the regular army of the United States in which 
state distinctions are entirely ignored. The pay was to 
be less than in actual war, and disbursed weekly. Money 
was to be given in lieu of rations, and the Baron sug- 
gested the need of a regular force for the protection of 
the frontier, that the militia be on the regular establish- 
ment (a plan which is now after more than a hundred 
years being carried out) and that the establishment of 
military schools and manufactories would be the best 
means of providing for security in the future. 

At this time, at the special request of the Secretary 
of War, General Benjamin Lincoln, Steuben presented 
detailed plans for a military academy which afterwards 
developed into the West Point establishment. They 
were modeled on the Prussian cadet plan, with a director 
general at the head and inferior officers to be appointed 
by Congress. The foundation was to consist of 120 
young men over the age of fourteen years, eighty of 
whom should be destined for infantry officers, twenty for 
cavalry, and twenty for engineers and artillery. Each 
cadet was to pay $300 per year for board, clothing and in- 
struction, all of which is now allowed by the Government, 
and if any cadet left before the expiration of his three 
years' term, he was not to be given a certificate. There 
was to be a general education by five professors with 
other instructors along special lines. No person was to 
be employed as an officer in the army unless he had 



300 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

served as such during the Revolution or had a certificate 
from the director general as to his capacity. 

Connected with this school was to be a manufactory 
with six hundred employees, who were to make every- 
thing necessary for the use of the army. It was figured 
out that the cost of operating both of these establishments 
would be $142,636 per year. The manufactured articles 
would be worth $95,950, and the tuition from students 
would be $36,000, leaving a balance of $10,686 to be 
made up, a very modest estimate. The director general 
was to receive a salary of $2,832, and each assistant 
$1,488, a total of $8,784; the five professors, $6,721; five 
masters of arts and tutors, $3,264; and hospital depart- 
ment, $4,212. It may be of interest to add that at pres- 
ent the maximum number of cadets allowed at the West 
Point academy is 533, and each is allowed $500 per an- 
num and one ration per diem or commutation thereof at 
the rate of thirty cents each. Within the last ten years 
Congress has appropriated about $8,000,000 for the re- 
construction of the academy, placing it among the first 
military schools of the world, but after all it is only an 
enlargement of Steuben's plan with changes to meet 
modern conditions. The manufacture of military sup- 
plies proposed by the Baron is carried on elsewhere, al- 
though there is a machine department at the academy for 
repairs and local needs. 

Reference has already been made to an address pre- 
sented to Steuben by the officers of the two New York 
regiments. This address was offered on June 9. before 
the departure of the men for their homes, and reads as 
follows : 

The objects for which we took upon us the profession of 
arms being accomplished, we are now about to retire from the 
field, and return to the class of private citizens. But before we 



DISBANDING THE ARMY 301 

separate forever, permit us, the officers of the two New York 
regiments, to express our feelings toward you on this occasion. 
The essential and distinguished services you have rendered this 
country must inspire the breast of every citizen of America 
with sentiments of gratitude and esteem. But we, sir, feel sen- 
timents of another nature. Your unremitted exertions on all 
occasions to alleviate the distress of the army, and the manner 
in which you have shared them with us, have given you more 
than a common title to the character of our friend — as our mili- 
tary parent we have long considered you. Ignorant as we were 
of the profession we had undertaken, it is to your abilities and 
unwearied assiduity we are indebted for that military reputation 
we finally attained. We therefore feel ourselves bound to you 
by the strongest ties of affection, and we now take leave of you 
with that regret which such sentiments must occasion. Wish- 
ing you long to enjoy in health and happiness those rewards 
which your services have merited, and which a grateful people 
cannot fail to bestow, we have the honor to remain, Yours &c. 

The terms of peace establishing our northern bound- 
ary having been received Washington appointed General 
Steuben a special commissioner on the part of the United 
States to proceed to Canada and claim from General Hal- 
dimand, Governor of that province, the surrender of cer- 
tain frontier posts whose locations were within the terri- 
tory of the United States according to the boundary line 
upon which both countries had agreed. Detailed instruc- 
tions were issued to the Baron on July 12, which, after 
outlining the course of his journey, directed him, in case 
the Governor refused to surrender the posts at once, to 
ascertain what date should be fixed for their evacuation 
in order that they might be occupied by American troops 
without delay. He was also to arrange for the exchange 
of artillery and other stores. This being accomplished 
he was to visit at his discretion the several posts and fort- 
resses on the frontier as far as Detroit, view their situa- 
tion, strength and circumstances, and forming a judg- 
ment of their relative position and probable advantages 
the same were to be reported to Washington. In passing 
Lake Champlain he was to critically observe its width 



302 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

at the northern extremity and the nature of the ground 
adjoining, with a view to determine whether there was 
any spot south of the 45th degree of north latitude on 
which it would be convenient, should Congress judge it 
expedient, to erect fortifications which would command 
the entrance from Canada into that lake. To the French 
settlers at Detroit he was to intimate the good disposition 
of Congress and the inhabitants of the United States for 
their welfare and protection, expressing at the same time 
our expectation of finding the like disposition in them 
towards us and the post proposed to be established 
there, or any other settlement which might be formed 
in their neighborhood by citizens of the United States. 
It was suggested that as the advanced season or some 
other obstacle might prevent the arrival of the American 
troops before the withdrawal of the British garrison the 
inhabitants might provide a company of militia to be paid 
by the United States, to take charge of the works, and 
also to learn upon what terms the farmers or merchants 
of Detroit would supply the American garrison with pro- 
visions. At this time Washington himself made a trip to 
northwestern New York and along the Susquehanna to 
facilitate the operation of changing the occupants of the 
posts. 

As soon as possible Steuben left for Canada, and 
arrived at Chamblee on the Sorel river about twenty 
miles southeast of Montreal on August 2. From here he 
sent Major North to General Haldimand to announce his 
arrival, and by arrangement they met at Sorel about forty- 
five miles below Montreal on the St. Lawrence river on 
the 8th. What happened there we will let Steuben tell in 
his own words : 

"To the first proposition which I had in charge to 
make. General Haldimand replied that he had not received 



DISBANDING THE ARMY 303 

any orders for making the least arrangement for the 
evacuation of a single post; that he had only received 
orders to cease hostilities ; those he had strictly complied 
with, not only by restraining the British troops, but also 
the savages, from committing the least hostile act; but 
that, until he should receive positive orders for that pur- 
pose, he would not evacuate an inch of ground. I in- 
formed him that I was not instructed to insist on an im- 
mediate evacuation of the posts in question, but that I 
was ordered to demand a safe conduct to and a liberty of 
visiting the posts on our frontiers and now occupied by 
the British, that I might judge of the arrangements nec- 
essary to be made for securing the interests of the United 
States. To this he answered that the precaution was 
premature, that the peace was not yet signed [this was 
not correct] , that he was only authorized to cease hostili- 
ties, and that, in this point of view, he could not permit 
that I should visit a single post occupied by the British. 
Neither would he agree that any kind of negotiation 
should take place between the United States and 
the Indians, if in his power to prevent it, and that the 
door of communication should, on his part, be shut until 
he received positive orders from his court to open it. My 
last proposal was that he should enter into an agreement 
to advise Congress of the evacuation of the posts three 
months previous to their abandonment. This, for the 
reason before mentioned he refused, declaring that until 
the definite treaty should be signed he would not enter 
into any kind of agreement or negotiation whatever." 

Although wrong in his assertion that the treaty of 
peace had not been signed yet General Haldimand was no 
doubt technically correct in his decision. Whatever 
might be the terms of the treaty he was subject to the 
orders of his government, and could not withdraw or 



301 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

make any arrangements in that direction until instructed 
to do so. In fact the posts in the northwest remained a 
thorn in the side of the American government for thir- 
teen years. Under the claim that the Americans did not 
live up to the provisions of the treaty, especially in regard 
to those who had remained loyal to the British govern- 
ment, the latter continued to hold Detroit, Mackinac and 
other points until 1796, when they were evacuated in 
pursuance of the Jay treaty which was negotiated in 1794. 

As no arrangement could be made in regard to the 
forts Steuben returned to the States, and halted at Sara- 
toga on August 21, to recruit his health, which had 
again become poor. Having shortly recovered he re- 
sumed his routine duties, the army being still in process 
of disbandment, and by instructions from Washington 
proceeded to Philadelphia where he dissolved the exist- 
ing posts, looked after invalid soldiers and finished up 
the business of the military hospitals. 

General Lincoln having at this time resigned the of- 
fice of Secretary of War, there was a strong 
feeling that Steuben was not only his logical 
successor, but by far the most capable man for 
the place. He had an opponent, however, in the 
person of General Henry Knox, whose name stood high 
in Revolutionary annals. Instead of deciding the case, 
however, on its merits the objection was made that Steu- 
ben was a foreigner. This was certainly puerile in view 
of services during the past six years, and in one sense at 
least was baseless, for the State of Pennsylvania in March 
1 783, had by special act of the Legislature made him a 
citizen of that commonwealth. Perhaps they wanted to 
give the office to Knox anyway, at all events he was chos- 
en. Steuben did not appreciate this action, and expressed 
himself in the following characteristic manner: 



DISBANDING THE ARMY 305 

The man who had abandoned all his appointments and the 
brightest prospects in Europe, to devote his services to the 
United States, who had served them with zeal and fidelity dur- 
ing a war of seven years as critical as trying; the man who had 
got possessions in Virginia. Pennsylvania, New York and New 
Jersey — with what effrontery could he be called a foreigner! 
As to the importance of this ministerial office, the man who 
organized the whole American army in the midst of the war; 
the man who solely had established and put in execution the 
principles of strict military rules; this man cannot be intrusted 
with the administration of a corps of four hundred men in time 
of peace! What fine reasoning! But, in fact, Mr. Knox had 
engaged the delegates of Massachusetts to secure to him this 
place His own State could not provide him with a post worthy 
of his ambition, and therefore the Confederacy had to give him 
a suitable appointment. Without disputing his knowledge in 
the use of artillery, I dare assert that on my arrival at the 
army, it had no idea of maneuvering with a single field piece, 
and that I was the first who taught them to make use of their 
cannon in the attack and retreat. 

Although there had been a general exodus from New 
York during the late summer and early autumn of 1783, 
chiefly of British loyalists, the formal evacuation of that 
city did not take place unti November 25, and on that day 
General Washington took possession accompanied by his 
staff including Baron Steuben who had lately returned 
from Philadelphia. Thus the Baron was a central figure 
both at Yorktown which was the end of the effort to 
coerce the colonies by military force, and the last act of 
the drama when the departure of the soldiery from the 
metropolis gave visible assurance that the independence 
of the country was recognized in the most tangible and 
striking manner. 

Festivities and fetes were the order of the day, in all 
of which Steuben took an active part, but a solemn if not 
sad separation was soon to take place. On December 4 
Washington left for Annapolis, Md. where Congress was 
in session, to resign his commission, and while a barge 
was waiting to convey him across the Hudson to Paulus 



300 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

Hook, he took leave of his staff and principal army of- 
ficers at France's tavern near the ferry. Filling a wine 
glass he turned to them saying, "With a heart full of love 
and gratitude I now take leave of you, most devoutly 
wishing that your latter days may be as prosperous and 
happy as your former ones have been glorious and honor- 
able." The toast was drunk, and each one at his request 
took the General by the hand, and then accompanied him 
to the barge which, with waving of hands, they watched 
until it disappeared from sight, when they returned in 
solemn silence to the tavern and quietly dispersed. 

Washington stopped in Philadelphia to adjust his 
expense account with the Comptroller of the Treasury. 
It will be remembered that he never asked or received 
any salary for his services during the Revolution, but only 
his actual expense and not all of that. On his arrival 
at Annapolis arrangements were made with the President 
of Congress to tender his resignation at noon on 
December 23. There, in the presence of the 
chief dignitaries of the country and of all the 
spectators who could crowd into the little hall, the 
greatest man of this or any other age with a few well 
chosen words retired from the post he had so ably and 
patriotically filled. That little hall has become a shrine, 
and when a few years ago the state of Maryland decided 
to erect a new capitol building it was placed immediately 
in the rear of the old structure, which was left intact and 
served as a vestibule to the new structure, so that all who 
entered the latter should pass through this historic apart- 
ment with its lessons of patriotism and self-sacrifice. 

One thing Washington did, however, in the closing 
hours of his official life which is worthy of special rec- 
ord as being his last act as General of the army. Not- 
withstanding the details which must have crowded upon 



DISBANDING THE ARMY 307 

him on that eventful morning he found time to sit down 
and write the following to his faithful Co-adjutor 
Baron Steuben : 

Annapolis. December 23, 1783. 
MY DEAR BARON: 

Although I have taken frequent opportunities both in pub- 
lic and in private of acknowledging your great zeal, attention 
and abilities in performing the duties of your office, yet I wish 
to make use of this my last moment of my public life to signify 
in the strongest terms my entire approbation of your conduct 
and to express my sense of the obligations the public is under 
to you for your faithful and meritorious services. I beg you 
will be convinced, my dear sir, that I should rejoice if it could 
ever be in my power to serve you more essentially than by ex- 
pressions of regard and affection; but in the meantime I am 
persuaded you will not be displeased with this farewell token 
of my sincere friendship and esteem for you. This is the last 
letter I shall write while I continue in the service of my coun- 
try. The hour of my resignation is fixed at twelve today, after 
which I shall become a private citizen on the banks of the Po- 
tomac, where I shall be glad to embrace you, and testify to the 
great esteem and consideration with which I am, my dear 
Baron, &c. 

To this letter Steuben gratefully replied : 

The letter of the 23d of December which I have had the 
honor of receiving from your Excellency, is the most honorable 
testimony which my serving could have received. My first wish 
was to approve myself to your Excellency, and in having ob- 
tained your esteem my happiness was complete. The confidence 
your Excellency was pleased to place in my integrity and abili- 
ties gained me that of the army of the United States. Your 
approbation will secure it. A stranger to the language and cus- 
toms of the country, I had nothing to offer in my favor but a 
little experience and a great good will to serve the United 
States. If my endeavors have succeeded I owe it to your Ex- 
cellency's protection, and it is a sufficient reward for me to 
know that I have been useful in your Excellency's operations, 
which alwrays tended to the good of our country. After having 
studied the principles of the military art under Frederick the 
Great, and put them in practice under Washington, after having 
deposited my sword under the same trophies of victory with 
you. and finally after having received this last public testimony 
of your esteem, there remains nothing for me to desire. 

Accept my sincere thanks, my dear General, for the unequi- 
vocal proofs of your friendship which I have received since I 



308 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

first had the honor to be under your orders, and believe that I 
join my prayers to those of America for the preservation of 
your life and for the increase of your felicity. 

On March 24, 1784, Steuben, now a resident of New 
York City, presented his resignation to Congress, and 
once more asked for a settlement of his accounts. The 
resignation was accepted on April 15 following, at which 
time Congress promised to take up the matter of settle- 
ment, and resolved, "That the thanks of the United 
States in Congress assembled be given to Baron Steuben 
for the great zeal and abilities he has displayed in the 
discharge of the several duties of his office; that a gold 
hilted sword be presented to him as a mark of the high 
sense Congress entertain of his character and services ; 
and that the superintendent of finance take order for 
procuring the same." 

For some reason the completion of the sword was 
delayed nearly three years, and it was not until January 
4, 1787, that General Knox forwarded the testimonial to 
the Baron with a letter stating the action of Congress and 
his own satisfaction he had "of presenting you with the 
invaluable memorial of their sentiments and your emi- 
nent merits. Were it possible to enhance the honor con- 
ferred by the sovereign authorities it would be derived 
from the consideration that their applause was recipro- 
cated by the late illustrious commander in chief and the 
whole army." 

To a soldier a sword as a testimonial for services 
rendered is always a gratifying gift, even though the re- 
cipient may never expect to use it in active service. But 
when the aforesaid recipient is straitened for the necessi- 
ties of life through the neglect to provide compensation 
justly due, it is a little like offering a stone in place of 
bread. Steuben, however, replied, politely acknowledg- 




WASHINGTON MEMORIAL CHAPEL, VALLEY FORGE. 
Cloister of the Colonies. Chapel. Porch of the Allies with Steuben Bay. Hall and Library. 




FORT STEUBEN — FROM THE RIVER. 



DISBANDING THE ARMY 309 

ing the receipt of the sword as a mark of their regard, 
and adding, "To a soldier such sentiments are ever dear, 
and that this is accompanied with the approbation of our 
late commander in chief, of yourself and the army in 
general will always be my greatest glory. Accept, sir, 
my sincere thanks for the very flattering manner in wihch 
you have communicated this present &c." 

The following description of the sword, from the 
New York Advertiser of January 11, 1787, will be of in- 
terest : 

It was made in London under the direction of Colonel 
Smith, and executed by the first workmen in that kingdom. The 
small medallions on each side of the top of the hilt present an 
eagle perched on a bunch of arrows, with a wreath of laurel in 
her bill, and wings extended ready to rise. The modest genius 
of America fills the front medallion on the hilt, dressed in a 
flaring robe, ornamented with the new constellation, holding 
an olive branch in her right arm and a dagger in her left hand, 
and the fair field of liberty flourishing in the background. It 
is answered on the opposite side with the full figure of Minerva 
in martial dress, robed and ornamented with the same stars; 
the bird of wisdom is seated near; her left hand being extended 
presents the olive branch, while the right is properly supported 
by the spear. This figure is martial and gay — the other is mild 
and modestly embraces the olive branch, but holds the dagger 
with firmness. The bow of the hilt presents drums, colors, hal- 
berts, &c. The sword and Blue Book, the Baron's excellent 
regulations for cur army, fill the the two lower ones. Two 
eagles, seated on knots of colors, surrounded with stars and 
holding a sprig of an olive branch in the bill, with extended 
wings, are emblems of protection, under the sword and Blue 
Book (which our country cannot too strictly attend to). The 
two opposite medallions are filled with trophies of war, and the 
following inscription modestly placed out of view under the 
shield: "The United States to Major General Baron Steuben, 
15th April, 1784, for military merit." 

At the Baron's death this sword was left by devise 
to Benjamin Walker. 



CHAPTER XIX. 

SOCIETY OF THE CINCINNATI. 

Orgai.ized by Baron Steuben — A Storm of Opposition — Present- 
ing Claims to Congress — A Wearisome Task — Adoption of 
the New Constitution — Tardy Justice. 

In order to give a connected history of the different 
events connected with the closing year of the Revolu- 
tion and Steuben's part therein one important episode in 
his life has been omitted, namely, his founding of the 
Society of the Cincinnati. We use the term, "founding" 
advisedly, for although both Irving and Fiske give credit 
to Knox for the first suggestion of the society it is clear 
from Knox's own statements hereinafter produced that 
Steuben, if he did not originate the idea, was the main- 
spring of the organization, both in its incipiency and aft- 
erwards when it was so bitterly assailed. During the 
early part of 1783 the Amercan officers began to realize 
that the period of their close association had nearly ter- 
minated and that the day of separation was not far dis- 
tant. In addition to the feeling naturally engendered by 
the prospect that their ties of friendship must soon be 
broken, with gloomy prospects ahead, at least for many 
of them, a sentiment grew up in favor of a permanent 
organization which should keep alive the feeling of 
brotherhood, as well as affording mutual help and con- 
sideration. Accordingly on the 10th of May there was a 
gathering of the officers who were with the army on the 
Hudson to discuss this matter, at which General Steuben 
presided, he being the senior officer present. At this 
meeting Generals Knox and Hand and Captain Shaw 
were appointed a committee to prepare a plan for a so- 



SOCIETY OF THE CINCINNATI 311 

ciety such as had been indicated. Knox seems to have 
had a rough draft of such a plan in his possession as early 
as April 15, and it was doubtless from this that the com- 
mittee worked. A report was made at a subsequent meet- 
ing held on May 13, 1783 at General Steuben's headquar- 
ters at Verplanck's house which was unanimously 
adopted. The preamble to the constitution recites that 

"It having pleased the Supreme Governor of the uni- 
verse in the disposition of human affairs to cause the sep- 
aration of the Colonies of North America from the do- 
minion of Great Britain and after a bloody conflict of 
eight years to establish them free, independent and sover- 
eign States, cemented by alliances founded on reciprocal 
advantages with some of the greatest princes and pow- 
ers of the earth ; 

"To perpetuate, therefore, as well the remembrance 
of this vast event as well as the mutual friend- 
ships which have been formed under the pres- 
sure of common danger, and in many instances 
cemented by the blood of the parties, the officers 
of the American army do hereby, in the most 
solemn manner, associate, constitute and combine them- 
selves into one society of friends, to endure so long as 
they shall endure, or any of their eldest male posterity, 
and in failure thereof, the collateral branches, who may 
be judged worthy of becoming its supporters and mem- 
bers. 

"The officers of the American army having general- 
ly been taken from the citizens of America, possess high 
veneration for the character of that illustrious Roman, 
Lucius Quintius Cincinnatus, and being resolved to follow 
his example by returning to their citizenship, they think 
they may, with propriety, denominate themselves 'The 
Society of the Cincinnati.' 



312 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

"The following principles shall be immutable, and 
form the basis of the Society of the Cincinnati.' 

"An incessant attention to preserve inviolate those 
exalted rights and liberties of human nature for which 
they have fought and bled, and without which the high 
rank of a rational being is a curse instead of a blessing. 
An unalterable determination to promote and cherish be- 
tween the respective States that union and national honor 
so essentially necessary to their happiness and the future 
dignity of the American empire. To render permanent 
the cordial affection existing among the officers ; this 
spirit will dictate brotherly kindness in all things, and 
particularly extend to the most substantial acts of bene- 
ficence, according to the ability of the society towards 
those officials and their families who, unfortunately, may 
be under the necessity of receiving it." 

Provision was made for the usual officers, the as- 
sociation to be divided into State societies with a tri- 
ennial delegate meeting representing the whole body. 
Besides the American officers and their eldest male rep- 
resentatives French officers of the rank of Colonel who 
had served in the Revolution were also eligible. A fund 
was formed by the contribution of one month's pay to 
aid such as were or should become destitute. 

The emblem of the Order was a bald eagle made of 
srold, attached to a blue and white ribbon emblematic of 
the united efforts of America and France in the war. 
The eagle held in its talons golden olive branches with 
leaves in green enamel which are continued around the 
bird, forming a wreath above its head to which is at- 
tached the clasp. An oval medallion on the breast of the 
eagle represents Cincinnatus accepting a sword from 
three Roman Senators with appropriate surroundings, 
while around the oval are the words, "Omnia Reliquit 



SOCIETY OF THE CINCINNATI 313 

Servare Rempublicam (He left all things to serve the 
Commonwealth). In the background his wife stands at 
the door of their cottage, with the plow and other agri- 
cultural implements close by. On the reverse side of the 
emblem Fame is represented as crowning Cincinnatus 
with a wreath inscribed, "Virtutis Praemium." (The 
Reward of Virtue). In the background is a maritime city 
with its gates opened, and vessels entering the harbor. 
Below this are clasped hands supporting a heart inscribed, 
"Bsto Pcrpctua" (Be thou Forever). 

Generals Heath, Steuben and Knox were appointed 
a committee at the above meeting to call on Washington 
with a copy of the constitution and request him to head 
the membership list. The General, heartily approving 
the objects of the Society, acceded to the request, and be- 
came the association's first president with Knox as sec- 
retary and General McDougall, treasurer. 

Four days later Steuben wrote to Luzerne, the 
French minister, acquainting him with the organization 
of the association, "Which is founded on principles of 
patriotism and gratitude, is to perpetuate the memory of 
an epoch so glorious to America as the present, and the 
effectual assistance this country has received from her 
generous ally." 

The society met with instantaneous favor in France, 
those entitled to do so considered themselves honored in 
wearing its badge, and the King issued an order relaxing 
in its favor the rule which prevented army officers from 
wearing foreign decorations. Major De l'Enfant wrote 
to Washington that it was more in demand than the or- 
der of St. Louis, and applications for it were made daily. 
Count Rochambeau, D' Estaing, De Grasse, Lafayette, 
and all who had served in the American war vied with 
each other in their interest in the institution which they 



314 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

considered as a monument erected to republican virtues 
as the fundamental basis of a cordial union between the 
different States, and as a new tie which assured the dura- 
tion of that reciprocal friendship which France had de- 
voted to America, could not be looked upon in too advan- 
tageous a light. 

But while this hearty reception was given to the so- 
ciety in France a storm was brewing in America. The 
reader has probably not discovered any hidden menace 
to the liberties of America in either the constitution of 
the society or its personnel, any more than was found in 
later years in the Loyal Legion, an organization of offi- 
cers formed after the Civil War, or in the larger society 
of the Grand Army of the Republic. So far as these or- 
ganizations have had any influence on public affairs it has 
been in favor of patriotism and good government. But 
in 1783-4 people were sensitive. It had begun to be ap- 
parent that Articles of Confederation were an unwork- 
able proposition, and that a stronger form of government 
must be provided or the country would drift into anarchy. 
Practically the only successful governments in existence 
at that time were monarchies in which there was a here- 
ditary nobility. Probably not a single member of the 
Cincinnati had the slightest idea of anything of the kind, 
in fact their constitution was drectly contrary to such a 
proposition. But as a little spark is sometimes sufficient 
to kindle a great fire so the idea of hereditary succession 
was caught up by many as fraught with danger to the 
new republic. A bitter pamphlet was written by Judge 
Aedamus Burke, of South Carolina, charging in its title 
that the society, "creates a race of hereditary Patricians or 
Nobility." This pamphlet was translated into French 
by Mirabeau with additions of his own, in which he as 
well as Burke charges Steuben with trying to introduce 



SOCIETY OF THE CINCINNATI 315 

foreign titles and offices of nobility into America which, 
while they "may do well under the petty princes of Ger- 
many, yet in America" are "incompatible with our free- 
dom." The most dire predictions were made that this pa- 
triciate and military nobility would soon "become a civil 
nobility, and an aristocracy the more dangerous because, 
being hereditary, it will perpetually increase in the course 
of time and will gather strength from the very prejudices 
which it will engender, * * * it will at length have 
incorporated itself into the Constitution; or when, after 
having for a long time sapped its foundations, it will in 
the end overturn and destroy it." 

In France little or no effect was produced by these 
attacks, probably because the people at large were not 
much interested in them one way or the other, but in 
America it was different. John Adams poured out the 
vials of his wrath, and for once Masachusetts was in ac- 
cord with South Carolina. There was talk of suppressing 
the society by an act of the Legislature, and a member 
who was a candidate for Senator, concluded to resign in 
order to save himself from defeat. In Rhode Island it 
was proposed to disfranchise any person who belonged 
to the organization, but that did not frighten Nathaniel 
Greene, one of her leading citizens, who took up the 
cudgels vigorously in its behalf. Knox seemed inclined 
to bend to the storm, and on February 21, 1784 wrote to 
Steuben : 

We had a meeting of the society in this town on the 10th 
instant, at which General Lincoln presided. A committee was 
chosen to attend a meeting of the Society in May 
next, at Philadelphia, which appears the place most 
proper for the occasion. R. Putnam. Colonel Hall. Major 
Sargent and myself, are of the committee; probably only two 
will attend. Your society. Mr. Baron, has occasioned a great 
deal of jealousy among the good people of New England, who 
say it is altogether an outlandish creation formed by foreign in- 



316 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

fluence. It is still heightened, by one of our ministers abroad, 
who intimates that it was formed in Europe to overthrow our 
happy institutions. Burke's pamphlet has also had its full oper- 
ation. You see how much you have to answer for by the intro- 
duction of your European institutions. I contend to the utmost 
of my power that you only had your share in the matter, and 
no more, but it will have no effect. Burke's allusion has fixed 
it, and you must support the credit of having created a race of 
hereditary nobility. Our friend Heath says: "I forewarned you 
of all that will happen." He did not attend the meeting. The 
Legislature of this State are, however, decided that the scheme 
shall not be carried into execution in this commonwealth, and 
in order to frustrate the measure, the Assembly have chosen 
a joint committee of both houses to "inquire into any associa- 
tion or combination to introduce undue distinctions into the com- 
munity which may have a tendency to create a race of heredi- 
tary nobility contrary to the Confederation of the United States, 
and to the spirit of the constitution of this commonwealth.' 
The committee have not yet reported the results of their in- 
quiries; when they do this I will inform you. You must observe, 
my dear friend, how possible it is for the best institutions to be 
misunderstood and misrepresented. Let me know how it is 
relished in Pennsylvania and to the southward." 

Shortly after William North wrote to Steuben that 
"Knox and Jackson avoid the badge of the Cincinnati as 
they would the devil." 

The meeting of the general society occurred on the 
4th day of May at the City Tavern in Philadelphia. 
Washington presided, and in order to allay the storm 
which had been raised, suggested that the hereditary fea- 
ture of the society be abolished. Other changes were 
suggested such as collecting funds, honorary member- 
ships, attention to the general union of the States and 
holding general meetings, until it looked as though there 
would be nothing left of the society but the charitable 
feature and the badge. After considerable debate it was 
proposed to alter the constitution, abolishing hereditary 
succession and honorary memberships, the funds to be 
put in the hands of the Government, and there was to be 
no general treasurer. Although these amendments 
passed the general meeting they could not be operative 



SOCIETY OF THE CINCINNATI 317 

until approved by the State chapters which were, as a 
rule in no hurry to respond, so that at the meeting on 
May 7, 1800, the subject was still pending. By that time 
the country was under the new Constitution, and the 
spectre of a military or hereditary despotism had vanish- 
ed. A committee appointed to look into the matter re- 
ported in favor of leaving the constitution as originally 
framed, which report was unanimously adopted. 

Washington remained President of the general so- 
ciety until his death, when he was succeeded by Hamil- 
ton and Pinckney. Robert Burnett, who died November 
29, 1854, at Newburg, N. Y., near where the society was 
first organized, was the last of the original members. 
Stenben was Vice President of the New York Society 
in 1785, and President from 1786 to 1790. Mainly un- 
der his encouragement the New York branch was the 
most vig'orous of the State associations. They had an 
elaborate ceremony of initiation, and Steuben himself 
with his facile pen vigorously defended the men who had 
fought the battles of their country from the stay at home 
critics. At the initiations General Steuben brought up the 
rear of a formal procession ; at his entrance the standard 
saluted, and the kettle drums and trumpets gave a flour- 
ish, which continued until passing through the avenue 
now formed by the members opening to the right and left, 
he mounted the steps and took his seat upon the chair of 
state. 

For a number of years the institution flourished, 
and then interest relaxed. The visit of Lafayette in 1824 
created a revival, but after that states dropped out until 
only six continued their organizations, viz. : Massa- 
chusetts, Maryland, New York, New Jersey, Pennsyl- 
vania and South Carolina. In 1893, doubtless inspired 
by the success of the society of the Sons of the American 



318 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

Revolution, an effort was made to revive the association, 
with such success that the original thirteen states again 
had working chapters which have been kept up ever since. 
The presidents after Hamilton have included Charles C. 
Pinckney, Aaron Ogden, Morgan Lewis, Wm. Popham, 
H. A. S. Dearborn, Hamilton Fish, William Wayne, 
Winslow Warren. The present city of Cincinnati owes 
its name to General St. Clair and Colonel Sargent, who 
gave the hamlet of Losanteville in 1789 the title of their 
society. 

From the time that Baron Steuben entered the 
American service in the winter of 1777-78, he may al- 
most be said to have had two histories, running along 
parallel lines. One was the performance of military 
and civic duties, and the other was in the first place to 
have the status arising from those duties clearly defined 
by Congress, and trying to induce that body to grant him 
the proper support and compensation due him for his 
work and the financial obligations he had incurred, as 
well as sacrifices he had made in order to come to this 
country. While at the outset he trusted to the generos- 
ity of Congress to make good his losses and pay him for 
his services, yet it was clearly understood that both were 
to be provided for with a suitable honorarium in the 
event of the success of the efforts for independence. Steu- 
ben had faithfully fulfilled his part of the contract, and 
independence had been assured, but with the exception 
of a few driblets reluctantly doled out Congress seemed 
determined to ignore his righteous claims for compensa- 
tion just as it was doing in the case of Beaumarchais, 
but with a much clearer knowledge of their merits. When 
the Baron's resignation as Major General was accepted 
on April 15, 1784, it was promised that the matter of 
recompense should be promptly taken up and pushed for- 



SOCIETY OF THE CINCINNATI 319 

ward to a conclusion, and in the meantime that $10,000 
should be paid him on account. His total claims at this 
time amounted to $50,000. The $10,000 was gradually 
paid in installments, with which performance Congress 
seemed to think it had done its whole duty, and began to 
manifest the usual impatience of an unwilling debtor to- 
wards an importunate creditor. In November, 1784, 
Congress moved from Annapolis, where it had sat from 
November 26, 1783, to Trenton, N. J., where Steuben 
again preferred his claims. Here a new obstacle arose. 
The present body was composed of different men from 
those who had assembled at York in the dark winter of 
1777-78, and as the records did not show the making of 
any contract or arrangement with the Baron it began to 
be questioned whether any such existed. To this was 
added the usual charges as to him being an adventurer 
who had come over here to seek his fortune, that he had 
received pay from France, and that his sacrifice of prop- 
erty in Europe was purely mythical. It was rather late 
to spring all these things after an interval of seven years, 
and there appeared to be enough conscience left in Con- 
gress to admit that something was due him. Accordingly 
soon after the removal of that body to New York in Jan- 
uary, 1785, a resolution was passed, "That in full con- 
sideration of the Baron De Steuben having relinquished 
different posts of honor and emoluments in Europe, and 
rendered the most essential services to the United States, 
he be allowed and paid out of the Treasury of the United 
States the sum of seven thousand dollars in addition to 
former grants." 

The matter of contract being thus ignored it became 
incumbent upon the Baron to prove its existence. In re- 
sponse to the letters written to Dr. Witherspoon, Messrs. 
Peters, Gerry and Duer who had been given authority 



320 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

to make arrangements with him at York, he received from 
those gentlemen certificates to the effect that the facts 
were just as he stated, and flatly contradicting the insin- 
uations that had been thrown out against him. These 
papers were submitted to John Jay, Chancellor Living- 
ston, Alexander Hamilton, James Duane and Mr. Duer, 
the leading jurists of their time as well as patriotic citi- 
zens. They unanimously declared that they sustained the 
position that there existed a valid and binding contract 
between the United States and the Baron. These letters 
with a full statement of his case were printed in a small 
pamphlet for circulation among members of Congress and 
others. A copy of this pamphlet, at Steuben's request, 
was sent by Hamilton, to Washington. He had previous- 
ly written on the subject of the Baron's claims, and now 
adds on October 30, 1787: 

There are public considerations that induce me to be some- 
what anxious for his success. He is fortified with materials 
which, in Europe could not fail to establish the belief of the 
contract he alleges. The documents of service he possesses are 
of a nature to convey an exalted idea of them. The compensa- 
tions he has received, though considerable, if compared with 
those which have been received by American officers, will, ac- 
cording to European ideas, be very scanty in application to a 
stranger who is acknowledged to have rendered essential ser- 
vices. Our reputation abroad is not, at present too high. To dis- 
miss an old soldier, empty and hungry, to seek the bounty of 
those on whom he has no claims, and to complain of unkind re- 
turns and violated engagements, will certainly not tend to raise 
it. I confess, too, there is something in my feelings which 
would incline me, in this case, to go further than might be 
strictly necessary, rather than drive a man at the Baron's time 
of life, who has been a faithful servant, to extremities. And 
this is unavoidable if he does not succeed in his present attempt. 
What he asks, would, all calculations made, terminate in this — 
an allowance of his five hundred and fifty guineas a year. He 
only wishes a recognition of the contract. He knows that until 
affairs mend, no money can be produced. I do not know how 
far it may be in your power to do him any good; but I shall be 
mistaken if the considerations I have mentioned do not appear 
to your Excellency to have some weight. 



SOCIETY OF THE CINCINNATI 321 

To this Washington replied on the following No- 
vember 10 : 

Application has been made to me by Mr. Secretary Thomp- 
son (by order of Congress) for a copy of a report of a commit- 
tee which was appointed to confer with Baron Steuben on his 
first arrival in this country, forwarded to me by Mr. President 
Laurens. This I have accordingly sent. It throws no other 
light on the subject than such as is derived from the disinter- 
ested conduct of the Baron. No terms are made by him, nor 
will he accept of anything but with general approbation. I have 
however, in my letters inclosing the report to the Secretary, 
taken occasion to express an unequivocal wish that Congress 
would reward the Baron for services, sacrifices and merits, to 
his entire satisfaction. It is the only way in which I could bring 
my sentiments before that honorable body as it has been an es- 
tablished rule with me to ask nothing from it. 

A new committee was appointed which had before it 
a detailed report of the Baron's claims, divided as fol- 
lows: 

Reimbursement of expenses in coming to 

America $ 2,815.80 

Interest for ten years at 7 per cent 1,971.08 

Payment of Loan made in 1778 of Gerard 

and Beaumarchais's Agent 6,358.32 

Interest at 7 per cent 4,005.72 

Indemnification for loss of yearly revenue. . . 52,683.32 

Interest at 4}4 years 11,853.72 

Total $79,687.86 

Received on account : 

Traveling expenses $681.24 

Interest thereon 381.48 

Commutation 9,090.00 

A gratification 7,000.00— 17,152.72 



Balance due $62,535.14 



322 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

The old story was rehearsed, the genuineness of the 
certificates was doubted, and when again questioned as 
to his revenue in Europe, the Baron declined on account 
of the dignity of the United States to produce further 
proof. One committee after another took the matter up 
but nothing was accomplished. Steuben offered to sub- 
mit the whole subject to three judges, but this was not 
accepted, and so the matter stood for a couple of years 
longer. During this period a political revolution of 
greater magnitude than any since the Declaration of In- 
dependence was in progress. Pretty much everybody, at 
least of those in official positions, was convinced that the 
Government could not longer be carried on under the 
Articles of Confederation, and a new Constitution had 
been launched, which was to convert the League of 
Friendship between Sovereign States into a NATION of 
which each individual was to be the unit instead of the 
State (which was no longer to be spelled with a capital 
initial letter). On June 21, 1788 New Hampshire had 
put the new Constitution into force, being the ninth 
State to ratify it, and by Autumn all the others had fol- 
lowed except North Carolina and Rhode Island. The 
old Congress of the Confederation dissolved in Novem- 
ber, 1788, leaving the Steuben claims still undecided. 
His situation at this time is fairly described in a letter 
from General J. Armstrong, on May 30, 1788, to Gen- 
eral Gates. "The Baron passed the winter at the same 
lodging house with me. Louvre (boarding house) is 
dismantled and deserted, and he is once more upon the 
justice and generosity of the public. But the public has 
neither, and he has only to chose between starving here 
and begging in Europe. This is calamitous to him and 
disgraceful to us. He is now with North." 



SOCIETY OF THE CINCINNATI 323 

The Government under the new Constitution went 
into effect at New York City on March 4, 1789, and 
Steuben lost no time in presenting his memorial to Con- 
gress. Owing to press of other business it was not taken 
up until September 25, when it was referred to Alexan- 
der Hamilton, the newly appointed Secretary of the 
Treasury, for investigation and report. On April 6, 1790, 
he made a report to Congress showing that he had sifted 
the whole matter most thoroughly, the document being 
being one of the ablest that ever issued from the pen of 
that accomplished jurist. He completely sustained Steu- 
ben on every point. It would be tedious to quote the pa- 
per in full, but its drift will be indicated by a few ex- 
cerpts. Taking up first the question of contract he con- 
cludes that "The statement made by the memorialist of 
what passed in the conference at York is authenticated by 
such strong, direct and collateral evidence as ought, in the 
opinion of the Secretary, to secure full credit to the ex- 
istence of the fact." After discussing this proposition at 
some length with the conclusion that it will be most con- 
sistent with the dignity and equity of the United States 
to admit it as the basis of a final adjustment of his 
claims, he proceeds to examine into the merits of the 
claims themselves. According to the principle prevailing 
in the American army the Secretary caused an account 
to be made up in which Steuben was credited with his 
emoluments as major general and inspector general, ex- 
clusive of future half pay or commutation, and with an 
annuity of 580 guineas, being the amount of the income 
stated to have been relinquished by him from the time he 
left Europe to the last of September, 1789, with interest 
at six per cent, per annum, and was charged with all 
moneys received by him from the United States with in- 
terest at the like rate. This statement showed a balance 



324 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

in his favor of $7,396.74. In addition to this he would 
be entitled for the remainder of his life to the yearly 
sum of 580 guineas as a continuation of the indemnity 
for the income relinquished, and to such reward as the 
Government in its discretion should think fit to allow, 
for which purpose a moderate grant of land, if deemed 
expedient, would suffice. Even this, Hamilton declared, 
would not fully reimburse the Baron for the sacrifices 
he had made, or pay him the full value of the services he 
had rendered to the United States, which were peculiarly 
weighty and valuable, especially as he was less likely to 
share in the collateral which might accrue to the native 
Americans who had been in the army. He concludes, 
however, that a settlement on the principles suggested in 
his report would terminate all the claims of General 
Steuben on the United States in a manner equally satis- 
factory to him and honorable to them. 

The House of Representatives on April 19 took up 
Hamilton's report and appointed a committee consisting 
of Messrs. Gerry, Wadsworth, Vining, Lawrence and 
Smith to present a bill covering this subject. Eleven 
days later they offered a resolution providing that Steu- 
ben should be allowed "the pay and other emoluments of 
major general and inspector general specified in several 
acts of Congress relating to him, from the 10th of March, 
1778, to the 15th of April, 1784; an annuity for life of 
$2,706, to commence on the 1st day of October, 1787, 
and thousand acres of land in the western terri- 
tory of the United States, to be located in such manner 
as shall be hereafter prescribed by law, provided that the 
foregoing allowances shall not be construed to include 
either half pay or the commutation for half pay." 

A motion was made to substitute an annuity of 
$1,500 instead of the $2,706, provided in the bill, and on 



SOCIETY OF THE CINCINNATI 325 

this Mr. Page, of Virginia, made an extended speech in 
opposition as being derogatory to the honor and veracity 
of the members of the committee of Congress, on whose 
testimony the Baron's claim was founded.' He declared 
that the value of the Baron's services was far beyond 
what was now proposed to give him, he had saved many 
times that amount in money to the army, and the value 
of his discipline was shown when on one occasion Lafay- 
ette and a detachment were in great danger of being cut 
off (at Monmouth) the whole army was under arms and 
ready to march in fifteen minutes. The army passed 
rivers in less time than could the best troops in Europe. 
The excellent French troops which served with it in the 
campaign of 1781 were inferior in this respect. The 
superiority of our troops as to rapidity of movement was 
seen in the attack on the two redoubts of Yorktown. 
The army officers were declared to favor the bill, and its 
adoption would give them satisfaction as they fully ac- 
knowledged their obligations to the Baron. 

Discussion of the matter continued at intervals until 
May 10 when the House struck out the provision for land 
and reduced the yearly annuity to $2,000. The Senate 
on the 27th increased this to $2,500 which was agreed to 
and the act became a law in the following form : 

"Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Represen- 
tatives of the United States of America in Congress As- 
sembled : That in order to make full and adequate com- 
pensation to Frederick William De Steuben for the sac- 
rifices and eminent services made and rendered to the 
United States during the late war, there be paid to thfe 
said Frederick William De Steuben an annuity of $2,500 
during life, to commence on the 1st day of January last, 
to be paid in quarterly payments at the Treasury of the 
United States, which said annuity shall be considered in 



326 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

full discharge of all claims and demands whatever of the 
said Frederick William De Steuben, against the United 
States. 

"Frederick Augustus Muhlenberg, 

"Speaker of the House of Representatives. 

"John Adams, 

"Vice President of the United States and Presi- 
dent of the Senate. 
"Approved, June 4, 1790. 

"GEORGE WASHINGTON, 

"President of the United States." 

Thus justice was in a measure satisfied after long 
years of waiting, and Steuben was assured of a compe- 
tence that would support him without anxiety in his de- 
clining days. He could not foresee that he would enjoy 
this annuity for a much shorter period than he had spent 
in trying to procure it. 

While the Baron was knocking at the doors of Con- 
gress, asking for justice, some of the State legislatures 
felt like making him some compensation for services 
within their boundaries, and being poorly supplied with 
cash and plentifully supplied with land or claims thereto 
discharged their obligations so far as they were con- 
cerned in that manner. Virginia, "as a high sense they 
had of the merit and services of Steuben" made him a 
grant of fifteen thousand acres in the territory northwest 
of the Ohio, located between the Muskingum and Great 
Miami rivers, and Pennsylvania in March, 1783, when it 
conferred on him the privilege of citizenship, added to it 
a gift of 2,000 acres in the County of Westmoreland, 
some forty or fifty miles east of the present city of Pitts- 
burgh. On its face this transaction showed up pretty 
well, and if the Baron or anybody holding through him 
possessed those 17,000 acres to-day he probably would 



SOCIETY OF THE CINCINNATI 327 

not feel the need of other support unless he desired to 
own a few shares of Standard Oil stock, but that was not 
the situation in 1783. Although George Rogers Clark 
had secured the Ohio Country for Virginia and the 
League of States the Indian titles had not been extin- 
guished, at least in the minds of the Indians, and while 
the granted lands were admirably located for the raising 
of scalps their value at that time for any other purpose, 
was practically nothing. The Westmoreland land was a 
little nearer civilization, but heavily timbered, cut 
through by deep ravines, and scarcely more valuable than 
the other. It is doubtful if the Baron could have sold 
his lands for the price of a week's board, and we have no 
record that he ever attempted to enforce his claims to 
them. 

New Jersey was more practical. That State "deeply 
impressed with a sense of the many and signal services 
by him rendered to the United States of America during 
the continuance of the late war, and desirous to testify 
to the world the grateful sense they entertain of said ser- 
vices" granted Steuben the life lease of an es- 
tate belonging to John Zabriskie in Bergen 
County, not far from New York City, which 
had been confiscated because of Zabriskie's posi- 
tion during the war. The Baron on hearing that this 
would impoverish Zabriskie, refused the gift and inter- 
ceded for the alleged Tory. The Baron by this time may 
well have begged to be spared from his friends, but on 
May 5, 1786, the State of New York having recently ex- 
tinguished the title of the Oneida Indians granted him a 
quarter of a township, near Lake Ontario, containing 
16,000 acres which was afterwards to become his home. 



CHAPTER XX. 



LIFE IN NEW YORK. 



Activity in Public Affairs — Plans for a Regular Army — Popu- 
larity With the People — His Memorial on the Banks of the 
Ohio — A Western Land Project — Suggestion Concerning 
Prince Henry — Washington's Inauguration — Social Distinc- 
tion — Wit and Generosity. 

When General Steuben resigned his commission in 
the early part of 1784 he did not cease to take an interest 
in public affairs, in fact having been relieved of routine 
duties which in an army in time of peace are likely to be- 
come monotonous, there was better opportunity for a 
more varied exercise of his talents, notwithstanding his 
financial embarrassments. The city of Albany had already 
on July 23 complimented him with its freedom, 
and this example was followed by New York City 
on the 11th of October following. He now determined 
to make the latter place his home, and rented what was 
then a suburban house fronting on what is now Fifty- 
Seventh Street. It belonged to David Provost, and was 
called the "Louvre" probably from the French, and the 
predilection of its owner for names connected with the 
country of his ancestors. The proprietor was commonly 
known as "Ready Money Provost." Here Steuben asso- 
ciated himself with his old companions, North, Walker, 
Smith, Fairlie and others. One by one, however, they 
departed to homes of their own, leaving him practically 
alone. His brain was busy, however, and between his 
correspondence, writing political pamphlets &c, his time 
was pretty well occupied. Among other things he had 
previously worked out a plan for a regular army on a 



LIFE IN NEW YORK 329 

peace footing, to consist of one Continental legion of 
3,000 men, artillerists &c, 1,000, and seven legions of 
established militia of 3,000 men each, or 25,000 in all. 
This plan was communicated to Washington, who 
heartily approved of the scheme, but of course nothing 
could be done with the existing government. It is worthy 
of note, however, that after the adoption of the Constitu- 
tion the size of the regular army was fixed at 25,000 men 
as suggested by Steuben, at which figure it remained un- 
til the outbreak of the Civil War. 

On August 23, 1784, a society was organized in 
New York City for the purpose of assisting poor Ger- 
mans and their descendants, of which Steuben became 
an active member, and on October 3, 1785, he was unani- 
mously chosen president, a position which he held during 
the remainder of his life. The society still exists, and 
numbers among its members many distinguished persons 
both of German descent and otherwise. Among other 
objects the society took under its care were German im- 
migrants "bound to labor" who had been induced to en- 
ter into contracts which practically reduced them to a 
state of peonage. This action was the forerunner of the 
laws afterwards enacted, first to regulate, and afterwards 
prohibit the importation of laborers under such contracts. 

Steuben's prominence and standing were forcibly 
voiced by Edward Livingston, the English orator, at the 
annual meeting of the society in 1789, who said : "When 
German worth is the theme, can we omit the name of 
Steuben ? Or when we speak of services like his, will ad- 
miration bind itself to forms? No! regardless of the 
feelings it may excite, the voice of truth proclaims him 
the creator of our force, who, from a chaos of disorder 
raised our military fame. Unhappily the voice of grati- 
tude has not been heard ; our country yet, my friends, is 



330 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

not unjust. It was but lost amid the din of acclamation ; 
and that voice, though small and still, shall soon be heard, 
and teach our country to reward its merit." 

But Steuben was not able to entertain his friends in 
his own house very long, probably not over three years, 
and perhaps less, for by that time the pittance he had re- 
ceived from the Government was exhausted. In fact 
economy was not a strong point with him, as illustrated 
by an anecdote concerning him soon after his arrival at 
the Louvre. In one corner of the grounds had been 
erected a family monument, and a visitor observing that 
in case of death Steuben would have a snug place of in- 
terment, Colonel North replied, "Then, sir, his disposition 
must alter with his state, for in life he will never toler- 
ate the idea of laying by ready money." 

Mr. Walker having married and occupied a house 
in Maiden Lane, near Liberty street, he invited Steuben 
to make his home with him. This he did for a short 
time, when Walker moved to Courtlandt street, and Steu- 
ben went to the house of Dr. Vache in Fulton street, and 
took his meals with Misses Dabeny who kept a popular 
boarding house in Wall street. He was no doubt here 
when, under date of May 30, 1788, General J. Armstrong 
wrote to General Gates : "The Baron passed the winter 
at the same lodging house with me. To this he has come 
at last. The Louvre is dismantled and deserted, and he 
is once more upon the justice and generosity of the pub- 
lic. But the public has neither, and he has only to 
choose between starving here and begging in Europe. 
This is calamitous to him and disgraceful to us. He is 
now with North." 

From the Dabeny house after probably a short stay 
with North he went to Dr. Tillory's house at the south- 
east corner of Broadway and Wall street, which he con- 



LIFE IN NEW YORK 331 

tinued to hold as a winter residence until 1791 when he 
moved to what was afterwards 216 Broadway opposite 
St. Paul's Chapel, attending services at Old Trinity, 
which he continued to hold until his last trip to his farm 
in 1794. 

It must not be imagined that Steuben was a recluse 
all these years. Notwithstanding his straitened circum- 
stances, he was a favorite in society and much sought 
after, especially by the ladies, to whom military men are 
usually acceptable. The families with whom he was so- 
cially intimate included the Jays, Duers, Duanes, Living- 
stons, Varicks, Hamiltons, Fishes and others that might 
be named. A prominent visitor in New York at that 
time, says that when "the Baron" was spoken of every- 
body understood that Steuben was meant. 

An incident occurred, about this time showing the 
Baron's popularity with the masses as well as with the 
"classes." The careless exposure of a body from the dis- 
secting department of a hospital was the subject of such 
general indignation that a riot ensued, and Steuben being 
with Governor Clinton, as the latter was trying to quiet 
the outbreak, was struck on the forehead with a stone, 
knocking him down and inflicting a flesh wound. This 
so touched the feelings of the rioters that they made room 
for the Baron to pass through their ranks, and then re- 
newed their destructive work in spite of the militia which 
had been called out. Mr. Jay was wounded in the same 
way. Governor Clinton in relating these occurrences 
afterward declared that at the time he was struck the 
Baron was protesting to the Governor against any order 
to fire, but as he fell he cried out, "Fire, Governor, fire," 
thus creating a laugh at the Baron's expense. The af- 
fair occurred near Mr. Duer's house, and his daughter 
dressed the injury. 



332 GENERAL WILLIAM VOX STEUBEN 

We will have something to say later concerning the 
measures taken to perpetuate Steuben's memory or other- 
wise, but it will be of interest to note here the first step 
taken by the Government towards honoring his name in 
ment of what is now the State of Ohio. A small white 
settlement had grown up on the site of the old Mingo 
town in the present Jefferson County, as well as isolated 
cabins a few miles farther down the river. Although the 
Confederacy had by concessions from the States inter- 
ested secured a clear title to the territory which Clark 
and his Virginia troops had wrested from Great Britain 
yet it was not ready to encourage permanent settlement, 
and early in April, 1785, a company of soldiers was sent 
out to remove the settlers. During that same year, how- 
ever, Congress determined to have the lands adjacent to 
the Ohio river surveyed and thrown open to purchasers, 
and to protect the surveyors engaged in this work a com- 
pany of soldiers was sent out under command of Cap- 
tain Hamtramck which arrived at Mingo on August 12, 
1786, and was inspected by Major North, the well-known 
friend of Steuben, who was now an inspector in the army. 
On an examination of the country, North or Captain 
Hamtramck, probably both, evidently concluded that a 
plateau located on the river three miles above was a bet- 
ter place for a fort than the Mingo bottoms, so the post 
was moved up there ,and they began the building of a 
block house 28 feet square. This was completed early in 
September following, and during the fall and winter this 
block house was added to by three other similar struc- 
tures which, being connected at their corners by a pali- 
sade of logs 150 feet in length, made a substantial fortifi- 
cation equal to all the needs of that section and an effi- 
cient protection to both settlers and surveyors. This 
frontier fort was equipped in the usual manner, provided 





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FORT STEUBEN, GROUND PLAN. 
No. 1, Blockhouses 28 feet square divided into two rooms for fourteen men each. No. 
- — Officer's barracks; a, a parlors; l>. bedroom; d. Kitchen. No. 3 — Commissary store. No. 4 — 
Quartermaster's store. No. 5 — Magazine. No. 6 — Artificers' shop. No. 7 — Guard house, built 
m two piers, a b, with piazza looking inwards and a sally port between the piers, the pier a the 
iommon store, and b the black hole, a place of confinement. No. 8 — Flagstaff. No. 9 — Main 
'ate looking towards the river. The small squares in the sides ar(l corners of rooms represent 
ihimneys. The width of the blockhouses diagonally was 39 feet in inch nearly, and the distance 
between the points 150 feet. 



LIFE IN NEW YORK 333 

with quarters for the men, magazines &c, and was 
named after Baron Steuben. The winter of 1786-7 was 
a busy one in this locality. Soldiers, surveyors, settlers 
and visitors, made a lively community well worthy of be- 
ing the first settlement of the great State of Ohio, and 
the beginning of the land system of the United States. 
During the latter part of 1787 the garrison was moved 
farther west to keep close to the surveyors, but the fort 
remained a refuge for the settlers until 1790, when it 
caught fire, and being constructed entirely of wood, was 
destroyed. As there was no further danger of Indian 
raids in this section the fort was not rebuilt, but on its 
site arose the town of Seubenville, since developing into 
one of the most flourishing cities of the country, a center 
of commerce and manufacturing. It is the only city in 
the United States named after the Baron, and in it he has 
a monument more enduring than could be made in any 
other form. It must be remembered that the settlement 
here is older than that of Marietta, and for many years 
this was the gateway to what was described in the famous 
ordinance of 1787 as the Territory Northwest of the 
Ohio. 

The legislature of the State of New York on April 
13, 1787, appointed Steuben one of the twenty-two re- 
gents of the State University, his duties being to inspect 
all colleges within the state, their condition, system of 
education and discipline. 

During the following year Steuben was busily en- 
gaged in evolving a scheme, which, had it been carried 
out, would have made a radical change in his own condi- 
tion, and might have had some effect on our western 
borders. It will be remembered that Spain still possessed 
the Louisiana territory which lay between the Mississippi 
and the Rocky Mountains. On this territory Steuben 



334 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

proposed to plant a colony of farmers and artificers not 
exceeding 4,200 in number, and for this purpose sugges- 
ted a concession of 200,000 acres of land, and a bounty 
of $100 to each settler, who was also to receive 240 acres 
of good soil. The settlers were to be both Americans and 
foreigners, and there was to be freedom of religion, and 
their own system of land tenure to be modeled after that 
of the United States. There was to be a semi-indepen- 
dent military corps, subject to the approval of the King. 
The plan was submitted to the Spanish minister, who sent 
it to his government, and that was the last heard of it. 
The Spanish government of that day was evidently not 
ready to experiment with colonists who were inclined to 
want their own way, and it has not advanced very much 
in that direction since. 

It is perhaps needless to state that General Steuben 
took an active interest in the politics of his day, espe- 
cially in the proceedings leading up to the adoption of the 
Federal Constitution. He was now an American citizen, 
and by natural bent as well as associations was a pro- 
nounced Federalist. No person more than he had expe- 
rienced the evils of the loose disjointed scheme which 
under the name of government assumed to control the af- 
fairs of the Confederacy. It was also natural that he 
should favor the party of Washington and Hamilton on 
personal grounds, for his years of intimate association 
with those great men had created in his mind a feeling 
of respect and esteem for their intellectual abilities with 
a strong affection due to their disinterested patriotism 
and high moral qualities. In his pamphlets he discussed 
the National debt, Presidential prerogatives and other 
burning questions of the day. During this period one of 
his friends jokingly asked him whether his friend, Prince 
Henry, of Prussia, would not make a good Preisdent, to 



LIFE IN NEW YORK 335 

which he replied, "As far as I know the Prince he would 
never think of crossing the ocean to be your master. I 
wrote him a good while ago what kind of fellows you 
are; he would not have the patience to stay three days 
among you." 

Fortunately, whatever differences might exist among 
them, nobody among the Americans had any idea of call- 
ing anyone from abroad to rule over them, and certainly 
no person in the land was more rejoiced than Steuben 
when Washington was chosen to be the first President of 
the new republic. However, could the Baron have pro- 
jected his vision forward into the future a little over a 
century he would have found a Prince Henry in America, 
not as a ruler, but as a welcome guest for a much longer 
period than three days, visiting cities that were not even 
contemplated during the Baron's career, feted and hon- 
ored not only as the representative of a great nation be- 
yond the seas, but the warmth of whose reception was 
augmented by the fact that the country from which he 
came gave Baron Steuben to the cause of the American 
Revolution. On the evening of February 26, 1902, in 
in the large ball room of the Waldorf-Astoria hotel in 
New York there was a dinner at which, on the invitation 
of Herman Ridder, editor of the Staats-Zeitung, over a 
thousand representative journalists from all parts of the 
United States were gathered. Prince Henry was the 
honor guest, and the address of welcome was made by 
Whitelaw Reid, whose remains after being honored by a 
state funeral at Westminster Abbey, have been lately laid 
to rest from New York's great Cathedral. The response 
by Mr. Ridder among other eloquent passages contained 
the following: 

It will be recalled that Frederick the Great was a friend 
of Washington, and that from his staff there came to us in the 



336 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

hour of stress one whose name will ever be held in grateful re- 
membrance by the people of the country. He it was. Baron 
von Steuben, who drilled the raw recruits and farmer lads of the 
Continental army, made soldiers of them, and made possible 
Washington's great victory. He was beside Washington in the 
closing days of that great struggle at Yorktown, and shared 
with the great commander the glory of that hour. Returning 
from the army, he came to this city of New York, and enjoyed 
the plaudits of those who owed him so much. Thus early he 
was the first President of a German-American society in New 
York. 

And from that day, sir, to the. present time Germany has 
ever been the steadfast friend of the United States. The blood 
bond still survives. And it is but natural, therefore that we 
should welcome your royal hignes_s to-night with special affec- 
tion. We greet you, not alone as a German prince, but also as 
one bound to us by the ties of kinship. The Saxon spirit has 
played its part in American national life, as it has done with 
you, in giving renewed vigor to the great empire from which 
you come. And that strain in the American people, let us hope, 
will bring our two great nations closer together in the bonds of 
friendship in the future. 

When Washington arrived at New York to assume 
the duties of his office, Steuben with Governor Clinton 
and other civic and military dignitaries met him at Mur- 
ray's wharf and escorted him to his residence, he prefer- 
ring to walk. The inauguration occurred on April 30, 
which was perhaps fortunate, as March winds are no 
pleasanter in New York than Washington, and it is to be 
wished that future inaugurations might occur at this 
time rather than on March 4. When the new President 
-took the oath there were gathered with him on the bal- 
cony fronting Wall street, the most distinguished men 
of the new republic, including John Adams, the Vice 
President, State Chancellor Robert L. Livingston, Roger 
Sherman, Alexander Hamilton, Generals Steuben, Knox, 
St. Clair and Livingston. After the inaugural address 
the party repaired to St. Paul's Chapel on Broadway, 
where services were conducted by Rt. Rev. Samuel 
Provost, Bishop of New York and chaplain of Congress. 



LIFE IN NEW YORK 337 

The day closed amid general rejoicings with fire works 
and illuminations at night. A large ball was given at the 
City Assembly rooms a few evenings later, which origin- 
ated the custom of an affair of this character at each sub- 
sequent inauguration. Steuben was a prominent guest 
at this ball, and on the succeeding July 4, as the chosen 
representative of the Cincinnati Society he presented to 
the President a complimentary address in the name of 
that association. 

The President and Mrs. Washington, attentive to the 
social side of affairs, gave a public levee from three to 
four o'clock on each Tuesday afternoon, with smaller 
social receptions on Friday, and a dinner to friends and 
dignitaries once a week. The Baron's wit and general 
good nature made him a favorite at these affairs, aside 
from his more solid qualities. It is related that at one 
of these dinner parties Mrs. Washington asking him 
what amusements he had, he replied, "I read and play 
chess, my lady, and yesterday I was invited to go a fish- 
ing. It was understood to be a very fine amusement. I 
sat in the boat two hours, though it was very warm, and 
caught two fish." "Of what kind, Baron?" asked his 
questioner. "Indeed I do not recollect perfectly, but one 
of them was a whale!" "A whale, Baron, in the North 
river!" "Yes, on my word, a very fine whale, as that 
gentleman informed me. Did you not tell me it was a 
whale, Major?" "An eel, Baron," responded the gentle- 
man appealed to. "I beg your pardon, my lady," said 
Steuben, "but the gentleman certainly called it a whale. 
But it is of little consequence. I shall abandon the trade, 
notwithstanding the fine amusement it affords." 

Another out the many anecdotes concerning the 
Baron's wit may be worth repeating. One day while at 
the house of Chancellor Livingston's mother, he was in- 



338 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

troduced to a handsome and brilliant young lady named 
Miss Sheaf. The Baron's English was equal to the oc- 
casion, and he at once responded, "I am very happy in 
the honor of being presented to you, Mademoiselle, 
though I see it is at an infinite risk ; I have from my 
youth been cautioned to guard myself against mis-chief 
but I had no idea that her attractions were so powerful." 
As to the Baron's generosity Washington summed 
up the whole story when, after Congress had settled the 
Baron's claims he remarked: "I rejoice that Congress has 
given to so excellent a patriot an independence by an 
annuity, for had they bestowed a specific sum, were it ten 
times the amount, the generous heart of Steuben would 
keen him poor, and he would, in all probability, die a beg- 
srar." 



CHAPTER XXI. 

THE NEW CINCINNATUS. 

Character of the Baron's Grant — Liberality to Settlers — Visit 
From Relatives — Politics and Literature — Preparing For 
War — Important Commission — Farm Life and Future Pro- 
jects. 

Steuben had paid one or two visits to his land in the 
Oneida country, which, gauged by the transportation 
methods of that day, was far in the wilderness, but hav- 
ing no money to improve it his stay each time was brief. 
The grant of his pension in 1790 put a different face on 
matters, and we find him on June 10 en route to his north- 
ern estate with the view of a more permanent settlement, 
or at least spending his summers there while he proposed 
keeping his winter home in New York. The journey re- 
quired about twelve days. He doubtless went by water 
to Albany where he visited Philip Schuyler and other old 
friends, going from there to Colonel North's 
home at Duanesburg in what is now Schenectady county, 
and from thence to old Fort Schuyler, the site of the 
present city of Utica. Here he rested at the house of 
John Post, an old German and a former army comrade. 
From there he proceeded to his patrimony which is thus 
described by Pomeroy Jones, a local historian, in 1851: 

"The township in which it was situated is in an 
elevated position, and its soil better adapted to grazing 
than the raising of grain. A high ridge of land runs 
east and west through it. Steuben hill and Star hill are 
the most elevated points in this ridge, the highest land in 
the county. Their altitude is so great that Indian corn 
entirelv fails to mature there. The visitor is at once im- 



340 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

pressed with the vastness of the landscape. No land 
within many miles is so high as where he stands. West- 
erly and northwesterly the view is almost unbounded. A 
large section of the Oneida lake is to be seen, and a per- 
son well acquainted in central New York, in viewing the 
location of the different highlands, soon becomes satisfied 
that portions of seven different counties are distinctly 
seen. In general the surface of the township may be 
termed stony. Boulders of every size and shape, some 
of which are of immense proportions, thickly dot the 
fields." 

Steuben made it his practice whenever he found a 
Revolutionary soldier who desired to settle in that part 
of the country to make him a present of a tract covering 
forty to one hundred acres. He also succeeded in dis- 
posing of some of his surplus land on long leases at $10 
to $20 per hundred acres, certainly a trifling figure, but 
probably as much as it was worth in those days, and be- 
sides he no doubt rightfully concluded that if he could 
bring settlers into that section by gift or nominal charge 
for land he would thereby enhance the value of the re- 
mainder to a point that would make it profitable. 

From Steuben's diary it appears that by July 4, 
1790, there was quite a little colony on the place to which 
he gave a dinner. Samuel Sizer was his superintendent, 
and preparations, which were made for clearing and culti- 
vating the property, were characterized by the same ac- 
curate methods that had been so marked in his military 
career. He received numerous visits from his former 
associates and neighboring settlers, and altogether was 
doubtless more happy and contented than he had been for 
many years. 

Prosperity not only tends to bring new friends but 
sometimes restores the affections of old ones, especially 



THE NEW CINCINNATUS 341 

if they be far away relatives as the Baron soon discovered. 
Two nephews visited him in 1786, sons of the Baroness 
De Canitz, but their conduct was such that he sent them 
home the following year. Both were army officers, but 
one soon after deserted and the other resigned on account 
of an objectionable marriage. Other relatives, with ex- 
aggerated notions of the Baron's wealth, continuously 
made applications for pecuniary assistance until Steuben 
declined to favor them in this way any longer. On July 
27, 1790, he writes on this matter: "I am a self-made 
man ; my personal position is the work of my own hands ; 
but I never forgot to help and afford relief to my poorer 
relatives whenever I could. They, however, took me for 
a richer man than I am. The reputation of my having 
acquired immense possessions and a large fortune spread 
to the extreme ends of Germany, therefore I could not 
satisfy all demands on the part of my family. The little 
I could do was partially compared with what I could not 
do for them, and rather put to my debit than to my 
credit. They considered themselves entitled to get all 
and everything from me, while I expected nothing from 
them." 

Steuben returned to New York for the winter, as 
he did the three subsequent years, spending the summer 
on his farm, and early in 1791 he met John W. Mulli- 
gan, whose father had been one of the local leaders in the 
Revolution. Young Mulligan had just finished his course 
at Columbia College, when he was offered and accepted 
the position of private secretary to the Baron. A strong 
friendship grew up between the two, and it is to Mulli- 
ean that we owe most of the details of Steuben's death. 

The Baron continued an active member of the Fed- 
eral party, and when John Jay, at that time holding the 
office of Chief Justice of the United States, was nomi- 



342 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

nated by the Federals for Governor of New York, Steu- 
ben was prominent in a meeting called to ratify the nom- 
ination, his name being placed first on the list of those 
issuing an address to the public on that occasion. Chan- 
cellor Livingston, who, as an anti-Federalist, was sup- 
porting the candidacy of Governor George Clinton, in re- 
plying to this address, referred somewhat sneeringly to 
Steuben as a government "pensioner." The pamphlet 
was published anonymously, but at the request of Steu- 
ben his friend General Armstrong, answered it over the 
title of "Timothy Tickler," addressing Livingston by his 
official title. Livingston replied over the name of "Aris- 
tides," addressing Mr. Jay as the supposed author of the 
Tickler letter. Mr. Jay promptly denied the authorship 
which ended this battle of the pamphlets. 

In the latter part of 1793 the feeling between the 
United States and Great Britain was so intense that many 
feared a renewal of the war. The latter power still held 
the military posts in the northwest including the one at 
Oswego, on lake Ontario, on the ground that the Ameri- 
cans refused to fulfill their treaty obligations in regard 
to British loyalists who had remained in the country, re- 
sisted the collection of just debts, etc. Recriminations 
were mutual, and the situation was such that plans were 
made for fortifying New York harbor. In company 
with Nicholas Fish, Steuben made a survey between Hell 
Gate at the upper end of East River, and of the Narrows 
at the lower end of the bay, with the object of erecting 
forts and batteries at suitable points. The outcome of 
this survey was that the New York legislature (which 
then met on Manhattan Island, Albany not having been 
made the capital until 1797) on March 26, 1794, ordered 
the existing fortifications repaired and new ones erected 
that would afford adequate defense for the port and city. 



THE NEW CINCINNATUS 343 

At the same time the legislature appointed a commission 
for the purpose of building fortifications, floating batter- 
ies and such other vessels as might be necessary for the 
security of the western and northern frontiers of the 
state. Steuben was placed at the head of this commis- 
sion, the other members being Peter Gansevort, Jr., Wil- 
liam North, Stephen Van Rensselaer, John Taylor, John 
Verner and Daniel Hale. 

At this time the excitement was so great in the city 
that volunteers were called on to labor at the fortifica- 
tions, and among other incidents the German society 
previously mentioned, of which Steuben was president, on 
May 21, adopted a resolution calling on all its members 
and other German residents of New York to assist in 
building a fortification on Governor's island, now famil- 
iar to all visitors as the headquarters of the Eastern mili- 
tary department. Early on the morning of June 5th 
there was a gathering at the Lutheran school-house on 
Nasau street, and with their president at the head of the 
procession, the members marched with flags and music 
along Broadway to the Battery, from whence they em- 
barked for Governor's island. Duties were assigned by 
the mayor of the city, and a good day's work performed. 

Shortly after Steuben left for the north for his usual 
summer sojourn on his farm in Oneida county, where, 
however, he was destined to spend but very little time. 
Arriving at Albany he met the other members of the de- 
fense commission, and the board organized by electing 
him president, and Mr. Mulligan, secretary. After a dis- 
cussion of plans and measures Steuben proceeded to his 
farm to make preparations for an inspection tour. It 
must be remembered that Steuben's home was practically 
on the frontier, and that a short journey from thence 
would bring him into what was practically a hostile 



344 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

country, although within the state of New York. Steu- 
ben, North and Van Rensselaer seem to have met at the 
farm and started on their journey, having with them one 
L. Hough, in charge of the baggage, and a small guard. 
According to the chronicle they went from old Fort 
Stanwix down Wood Creek to Oneida lake, which they 
crossed, and proceeded along Seneca river to Salt Point 
at the foot of Onondago Lake where now stands the city 
of Syracuse. Indians to the number of several hundred 
were holding a council there, and the disposition seems 
to have been about equally divided between between 
friendship and hostility. The commissioners were sus- 
picious, and during their stay there they were protected 
by a guard. While there it was learned that there was 
a gathering of Canadian Indians at the mouth of the 
Oswego river, which flows from Lake Onondaga to On- 
tario, with the intention of capturing Steuben and turn- 
ing him over to the British commander at Fort Oswego. 
Such a proceeding could hardly fail to prove a casus 
belli, and to avoid the very serious complication which 
must have arisen from such an outrage on American soil. 
Steuben left the party and went northeastwardly through 
the wilderness to Fort Stanwix, now the city of Rome. 
No sooner had Hough with the boat containing the bag- 
gage, started up Onondago Lake than it was surrounded 
by Indians in their batteaux, who demanded the where- 
abouts of Steuben. At first they would not believe 
Hough's story that he was not with the party, and acted 
in a threatening manner, but as Steuben seemed to be the 
sole object of their desire, Hough was suffered to pro- 
ceed without further molestation. 

On its return the party stopped over night at the 
little village of Manlius, which had been settled by one 
John A. Shaeffer two years before, and, like many of the 



THE NEW CINCINNATUS 345 

first settlers he kept the one tavern of which the hamlet 
boasted. Steuben and his friends put up with Shaeffer, and 
being much fatigued retired early, but not to slumber as 
they had intended. During the night there seemed to be 
an unusual stir about the house, and as the hour of mid- 
night approached it increased, and before morning there 
happened one of those unpostponable events incident to 
all growing families. The Baron was so greatly an- 
noyed during the night that he got scarcely any sleep. 
The frequent opening and closing of doors, continual 
tramping of busy feet, and the hushed sound of female 
voices which were greatly magnified by the Baron's 
nervousness, and the importance of progressing events 
kept his mind in a continual tumult. . The house was 
built of logs, only one story high, with two rooms below, 
the bed chamber occupied by the guests in the roof above 
being the size of the house, with only loose boards for a 
floor, and accessible by no other means than a ladder. 
The companions of the Baron slept soundly, but he tossed 
constantly on his bed of straw, seeking rest and finding 
none. He wondered what could excite such wonderful 
commotion, and finally worked himself into an uncontroll- 
able passion. At earliest dawn he arose, vowing ven- 
geance on all below. Approaching the landlord he burst 
out, "Your house is full of gossips and goblins, it isn't 
fit to stable swine. Give us breakfast and let us be off, 
and we'll not trouble you again." The landlord, dumb- 
founded, dared not raise his head to hint the cause of the 
trouble; but a woman approached, bearing in her arms 
an infant, saying, "Here, sir Baron, is the cause of all 
the noise and trouble last night." There was an imme- 
diate reaction. The Baron apologized forthwith, and 
tendered his most hearty congratulations. He bestowed 
his name on the new arrival, and drew a deed of gift for 



346 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

250 acres of land. Breakfast was served, and the party 
went on its way rejoicing. 

It was near the first of September when Steuben got 
back to his farm, and Autumnal foliage was already be- 
ginning to bedeck the country. The Jay treaty which 
was signed on November 19, following, settled the dis- 
puted questions, and averted war, at least for nearly 
twenty years, but the Baron did not live to see the forts 
evacuated. 

This fall seems to have been an enjoyable one. The 
new Cincinnatus had cleared some sixty acres of land, 
on which he proposed building a comfortable mansion. 
About sixteen families were living on his place, he had 
numerous visitors, and money matters were comparative- 
ly easy. He occupied a temporary log building consist- 
ing of two apartments, a kitchen and bedroom, with a 
garret above where the servants slept. During this sum- 
mer he had built a frame addition to the east end of the 
log house consisting of a sitting room and bed room, 
from which it was necessary to go out of doors to reach 
the other apartments. Steuben slept in the new house, 
and Mulligan in the other. He took great pride in every 
department of his estate, and was fond of riding over the 
place on his mare Molly, watching the improvements and 
giving orders. Among his projects was an artificial lake 
to be fed from a couple of streams that meandered 
through the farm. On one occasion when some New 
York friends were inclined to make light of his patri- 
mony away up among the Mohawk mountains he declared 
it to be the best land in the world, and offered to prove 
it. When challenged to do so he declared, "There is 
Captain Simeon Woodruff who has sailed around the 
world with Captain Cook. He has bought a farm on my 
patent and settled on it, and sure, if in all his voyages a 




STKUB ION'S WOODLAND HOME. 



Y 




OSWEGO AND THE FORT IN 1794. 



THE NEW CINCINNATUS 347 

better location had been found he would not have done 
so." The skeptics were silenced if not convinced. 

The Baron was a good chess player and fond of en- 
gaging in this game with an evening companion, but 
political subjects furnished lively themes for discussion. 
The latest publications from both sides of the ocean were 
found on the table of the living room, and the French 
Revolution with its accompanying military movements 
received considerable attention, especially the latter, the 
Baron watching the Prussian maneuvers especially with a 
critical eye. On one occasion when the abolition of 
French titles of nobility was a subject of conversation 
somebody suggested that Steuben renounce his title and 
call himself Citizen Steuben, to which he laughingly re- 
plied, that even were he to do so the title would never die, 
as all the children who had been or would be christened 
"Baron Steuben," would perpetuate it. He had the good 
sense to recognize the fact that titles in America were 
mere complimentary expressions whether of old world 
importation or the newer forms of "Colonels," "Judges," 
" 'Squire," or "Doctor." 

On another occasion the comparative merits of racial 
military ability were under discussion when the Baron 
remarked : "Of all the Americans, the Yankees are in my 
opinion, the best soldiers ; they are the most intelligent, 
and in some respects the best troops in the world. But 
they always want to know the reasons for the orders 
given them by their superiors, and are too fond of im- 
proving upon the plans of the latter." 

During this period a neighbor named Mappa was a 
favorite guest of the Baron. He had left Holland during 
some revolutionary movements, and coming to northern 
New York was made president of the Holland-Gennessee 
Land Company, through whose means a considerable 



348 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

number of Dutch and German immigrants were induced 
to settle in that locality. 

Steuben was fond of having selections from Gibbon, 
Voltaire and other standard works read aloud to him in 
the evenings, and thus the early fall passed away while 
the Baron began preparations to return to New York for 
the winter. A heavy snow fell in November as was liable 
to happen in that latitude, and towards the latter part of 
the month all farm work was suspended, as was thought, 
for the winter, but it was a permanent suspension so far 
as Steuben was concerned. 



CHAPTER XXII. 



THE LAST ACT. 



Unexpected Death of Steuben — Stricken by Paralysis — A Melan- 
choly Funeral — The Baron's Will — Desecration of His 
Grave And Final Resting Place. 

All accounts agree that Steuben's health was excel- 
lent during the summer and fall of 1794. As we have 
seen he not only made an important expedition into the 
Indian country, but was especially busy about his farm, 
putting things in order and with broad projects for the 
future, not the least of which was a dwelling commensu- 
rate with his dignity and position. No doubt he expected 
to prepare plans for his mansion during his sojourn in 
New York the coming winter. But while man may pro- 
pose. God disposes. 

On the evening of November 25th, the Baron passed 
the time in his customary manner, and at about eleven 
o'clock he retired with no indication of anything being 
the matter with him. As stated Steuben's bedroom was 
in the new house, while Mulligan's was in the old log 
house adjoining. No other persons were in the building 
except the two servants. Colonel North had been there 
but had gone back a few weeks before to his home at 
Duanesburg. On the morning of the 26th at 4 o'clock. 
Mulligan was awakened by Steuben's German servant 
named William, who told him the Baron was dying. Mul- 
ligan sprang from his bed and rushed through the snow 
to the Baron's apartments, where he found him suffering 
intensely and apparently almost dead. Steuben exclaimed, 
"Don't be alarmed, my son," but was unable to keep up 
any connected conversation. Mulligan sent for Mr. 



350 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

White, Steuben's overseer, who lived half a mile off, and 
dispatched him for a physician and also to notify Colonel 
(or Major) North. Word was also sent to Mr. Mappa 
at Boonesville, but he was away from home. The near- 
est physician was at Whitestown, eighteen miles distant, 
and could not get to the farm in time to be of any assist- 
ance. Mulligan, at his request, lifted Steuben from his 
bed to a chair, and gave him an emetic, after which he 
placed him back on the couch. The Baron talked a little 
until about six A. M., when he became speechless, al- 
though apparently sensible during the greater part of the 
day. He had frequent convulsions, which abated some- 
what during the night. The physician arrived at 2 P. M., 
on Thursday, the 27th, and administered some sedatives 
which eased the suffering, but Steuben was now beyond 
all human aid, and was doubtless so from the beginning. 
He remained unconscious, and at 12 :30 noon on Friday, 
the 28th, passed quietly away. A letter from Mulligan 
to Benjamin Walker, written on the 29th, gives his ac- 
count of the Baron's last hours : 

"I am sufficiently composed to begin, O my dear sir, 
a sad tale. On Tuesday morning last our friend, my 
father, was struck with a palsy which deprived his left 
side of motion. The evening before we parted at eleven; 
he was well, perfectly well. At four o'clock I was 
alarmed with the cry that he was dying, and when I en- 
tered his chamber he was in extreme agony, and appeared 
to have suffered long. I sent for immediate assistance, 
and dispatched White for Major North. He was sensi- 
ble and could speak, retched violently, asked for an 
emetic, which I gave him — it operated well. I then put 
him to bed from which I had taken him by his 
desire. He continued to speak at intervals till 
about six o'clock and from thence was speech- 



THE LAST ACT 351 

less. He remained apparently sensible during the 
greater part of Tuesday, notwithstanding he was 
often in convulsions. That night he was pretty 
quiet, though the fits sometimes returned. He did not 
show any signs of sense afterwards. Every measure 
which the situation afforded was pursued to relieve him 
until the arrival of the doctor on Thursday. He admin- 
istered medicines which gave some relief, but it was not 
long. The stroke was too violent, and yesterday at half 
past twelve o'clock, oh my good God, my parent died! 
O, Colonel Walker, our friend, my all : I can write no 
more. Come, if you can, I am lonely. Oh, good God, 
what solitude is in my bosom. Oh, if you were here to 
mingle your tears with mine, there would be some conso- 
lation for the distressed." 

Colonel North did not arrive at the Steuben home- 
stead until Saturday, November 29th, the day after the 
Baron's death, the distance of his home and the condition 
of the roads having detained him. Mulligan had already 
made arrangements for the funeral, which he approved 
and carried out. In fact very little preparation was re- 
quired. During his life Steuben had expressed the de- 
sire that there be no parade over his remains, but that he 
be wrapped in his military cloak and buried in a retired 
spot on his estate. He seems to have intimated that un- 
der a certain hemlock would be a good location for this 
purpose, and accordingly it was selected. It was in a 
wood about two hundred and fifty yards north of the 
house. Melting snow and bad weather made the digging 
of the grave a matter of some difficulty, but it was ac- 
complished, and at noon on Sunday the funeral cortege 
left the house on its sad errand. About thirty neighbors 
and the Baron's household, including North, made up 
the procession. No military fan fare, no priest or chant- 



352 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

ing choir, no funeral orator was there, but in silence the 
last sad offices were performed. A few handfuls of earth, 
tears from the little band gathered there, were the only 
human tributes, while the wintry wind moaned its solemn 
requiem through the forest, now all bare and leafless save 
where the dark green of the pines made a deep contrast 
to earth's white winding sheet. 

Perhaps after all it was a burial worthy of a hero. 
No funeral pomp or pageantry could have added to Steu- 
ben's reputation, nor could its absence take anything 
away. Like Hamilton in the Revolution and Stanton in 
the Civil War, his character seems to expand as men 
begin more and more to appreciate the quality of the 
man, the work he was called upon to perform, and the 
difficulties he encountered in performing it. Posterity 
is beginning to realize what his contemporaries 
could not fully comprehend, and while many a 
prominent character of that day has been forgot- 
ten or only mentioned as a sort of connecting link in the 
endless chain of events, Steuben looms up more and 
more as the perspective lengthens. As the disinterested 
patriot, as the skillful disciplinarian, as the able general, 
as the confidant, the adviser and the friend of Washing- 
ton, as the honest and thorough gentleman, he proved 
himself a worthy compeer of those great characters who 
laid the foundations of this republic so deep and strong 
that it has successfully withstood the whirlwinds of a cen- 
tury and a quarter, the strain of war and the laxity of 
peace, the struggle with adversity and the more insidious 
enervation as the result of prosperity. * 

* Mrs. Cora B. Foster, of Washington, D. C, relates a fam- 
ily tradition that prayer was offered at Steuben's grave by a 
Welsh Baptist minister named Jones, to whose society the 
Baron in his lifetime deeded a tract of land, and that after the 
burial all traces of the grave were carefully obliterated, though 



THE LAST ACT 353 

As has probably been inferred by the reader, Steu- 
ben remained single all his life. There is a story that 
when packing his goods preparatory to removal to his 
farm he let fall a portrait of a young lady, which was 
picked up by a friend with an inquiry as to the identity 
of the original. He displayed considerable emotion, and 
remarked, "O she was a matchless woman," which closed 
the incident. It is very probable that the Baron's life 
had at least one romantic episode, few there are that 
have not. 

In his will Steuben expressly excluded his relatives 
from participation in his estate, which was mainly divided 
between North and Walker, whom he considered his 
adopted sons. To the former he specifically bequeathed 
the silver hilted sword and gold box given him by the 
City of New York, and to Walker $3,000 and the gold- 
hilted sword given him by Congress. To Mulligan he 
gave his library, maps, and charts with $2,500, and to 

for what reason is not stated. None of the Baron's biographers, 
however, relates any of these facts, and Pomeroy Jones, the early 
historian of Oneida County, who was able to converse with liv- 
ing residents of pioneer days, refers to the arrival of the Welsh 
in 1808 as the begining of a new era. At the request of the 
present writer Wm. M. Storrs, of Utica, N. Y., corresponding 
secretary of the Oneida Historical Society, kindly furnishes the 
following statement as the result of a thorough investigation, 
which seems conclusive on this point: "On the 12th of Septem- 
ber. 1801, there gathered at the residence of John Williams, 
Utica. N. Y., twenty-two persons and organized a Baptist 
Church. These Welsh Baptists organized the first church in 
Utica. In 1806. Rev. Richard Jones came from Philadelphia to 
Steuben and organized the First Baptist Society there. He re- 
mained pastor many years. Rev. Erasmus W. Jones delivered 
an address before this Society. Dec. 3, 1888. his topic being, 'The 
Early Welsh Settlers of Oneida ounty.' In this address he men- 
tions a Deacon Wm. C. Jones, coming to Oneida County, in 
1798. I find no mention of any religious services at the funeral 
of Baron Steuben, and am unable to locate the Deacon Jones 
you speak of. The first Deacon Jones I find in the county is 
the above Wm. C. Jones, who came here in 1798." 



354 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

each of his servants a year's wages, in addition to his 
wearing apparel to his valet de chambre. Everything else 
was to go to North and Walker as above stated, and to 
the servants' legacies was attached this condition : 

That on my decrease they do not permit any person to 
touch my body, nor even to change the shirt in which I shall 
die, but that they wrap me up in my old military cloak, and in 
twenty-four hours after my decease bury me in such a spot as 
I shall before my decease point out to them, and that they 
never acquaint any person with the place wherein I shall be 
buried. 

It is perhaps needless to say that the last clause of 
the will was not carried out, in fact the Baron had not 
definitely selected his place of burial, although he seems 
to have intimated that beneath the hemlock mentioned 
above would be an appropriate spot for his grave. 

We now come to the most unpleasant incident of all 
in connection with Steuben's grave, which was not, after 
all, destined to be his last resting place. Near the begin- 
ning of the last century it was desired to locate a wagon 
road through this estate, and the line as laid out by the 
surveyors ran directly over the grave. A little variation 
to the right or left would have answered every purpose, 
but nobody paid any attention to the matter, and the 
highway was graded as surveyed, cutting aff about one- 
third of the grave, and exposing the coffin to view. It is 
even said that the rough, wooden box which enclosed his 
remains was opened by some of the neighbors who wanted 
to secure a piece of the Baron's military cloak as a sou- 
venir. Benjamin Walker finally heard of the desecra- 
tion, and had the body taken up and removed farther 
into the woods. In order to insure the care of the 
grounds and prevent further desecration he set aside a 
tract of fifty acres which he transferred to a Baptist So- 
ciety in perpetuity on condition that five acres of wood- 



THE LAST ACT 355 

land surrounding the grave be kept substantially fenced 
and forever uncleared, and no cattle or other animals 
were to be allowed within the enclosure. Any failure to 
comply with these stipulations was to work a forfeiture 
of the trust, which has been carefully observed, and 
beech, maple, evergreens and other denizens of the forest 
now thickly stand as sentinels over the spot. 

Mr. Kapp who visited the grave in June, 1857, in 
company with the Baron's sole surviving servant, Lem- 
uel Hough, thus describes the spot : "The tall beech trees, 
under whose shade he loved to sit in the evening of his 
life, extend their widespread arms over the grave, and 
keep watch over the old hero. Fragrant flowers, with 
double vigor rising from the mouldering vegetation, form 
a lonely wreath around the tomb. All dispute and trou- 
ble, all hatred and envy of daily life, are shut out from 
this hallowed spot, which, in its simplicity and seclusion, 
presents a strong contrast with the stirring and promin- 
ent career of him whose ashes it contains." So we leave 
him. 



CHAPTER XXIII. 

STEUBEN'S MILITARY FAMILY. 

North, the Founder and Namer of Fort Steuben — Walker — Du- 
ponceau — Fish — Ternant — Davies — Fleury — Fairlie — Smith 
and Others. 

It would be ungracious to close this work without at 
least a brief reference to the men who were closely aso- 
ciated with General Von Steuben during his American 
career, whose biographies, even independent of their con- 
nection with the Baron, are of more than ordinary inter- 
est. 

First in prominence if not in time was William 
North, who was born of a military family at Fort Frede- 
rick, Maine, in 1755. Twenty years later he entered the 
Revolutionary army and served under Arnold in the ill 
fated Canadian expedition. In May, 1777, he was ap- 
pointed a captain of infantry in Colonel Henry Jack- 
son's Massachusetts regiment, and acquitted himself with 
credit at the battle of Monmouth Court House. Two 
years later he was appointed aide-de-camp to General 
Steuben, and served upon the latter's staff, as well as that 
of General Washington's, until the end of the war. The 
closest possible friendship ensued between him and Steu- 
ben, as each learned to appreciate the valuable qualities 
of the other, and when Steuben was ordered to Virginia 
North accompanied him, taking an active part in the 
campaigns there, which ended in the capture of York- 
town. The war being over North returned to private life, 
and lived for awhile with Steuben in his bachelor quar- 
ters at the "Louvre" in New York City. He was too 
valuable, however, to be left in retirement, and was con- 



STEUBEN'S MILITARY FAMILY 357 

stantly called on to take part in public affairs, having been 
elected several times to the legislature, which then sat in 
New York City, and was chosen Speaker of the Assem- 
bly 

When troops were ordered to the Ohio country in 
the summer and fall of 1786 an encampment was first 
made at Mingo on the Ohio river, two miles below the 
present city of Steubenville. From there they were 
brought to a point within the present limits of the city, 
where was begun the erection of Fort Steuben. While 
here the troops were inspected by Major North, and as 
previously stated it was no doubt by his command that 
the fort was located here, and the first permanent settle- 
ment in Ohio named after his friend and chief. In recog- 
nition of this and other services, Congress in October of 
that year passed a special act creating North a Major in 
the Second regiment United States Infantry, a part of 
the regular army. 

Major North was elected to the United States Sen- 
ate and served in that body from May 21, 1789, to 
March 3, 1799. When the difficulties with France be- 
gan in the latter part of the eighteenth century, President 
Adams appointed him Adjutant General of the army 
with the rank of brigadier, which position he held until 
June 10, 1800. In March, 1812, when the second war 
with great Britain was impending he was again ap- 
pointed Adjutant General, but declined. He was one of 
the state canal commissioners in the incipiency of the 
New York and Erie canal project where he rendered val- 
uable service. 

It is perhaps, needless to state that, whatever his 
residence or occupation, his interest in his old friend, the 
Baron, did not flag. In the fall of 1782 he writes from 
Fishkill Landing on the Hudson in reference to Steuben's 



358 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

claims then pending before Congress, strongly censuring 
that body for its neglect, and expressing the hope that 
"The department of which you are the head is so essen- 
tial to the well being of the army, that I hope you will 
not be permitted to resign it. It is so conspicuous a post 
that I never wish to see it filled by another, while there is 
an American army, to profit by your instructions." 

North's antipathy to Lafayette was at least as 
strong as the Baron's. Writing to the latter (who was 
probably then in Philadelphia) he gives the following ac- 
count of the arrival of the marquis in New York, in Oc- 
tober, 1784: 

What, with a villainous wind, and the foolish parade which 
has been made with the Don Quixote Lafayette, I have not had 
a moment's peace. He arrived here on Friday, amidst the ac- 
clamations of foolish disbanded officers and the town rabble; 
seated on a little horse (for the sake of Christ I am sorry it was 
not an ass) he made his public entry. Yesterday they gave him 

a dinner, and at night Madame Hayley, and an old gave 

him some of the most infamous fireworks I ever saw; but he, 
like a true Frenchman, told her they were superb. He has done 
me the honor to notice me. While we were looking at the ex- 
hibition, he observed, putting his arm around my neck and 
whispering how pleased he was that this attention was paid him 
by an English woman. But d — n the subject. I have kept too 
long on it already. Monsieur le Marquis goes to Rhode Island 
to receive the honor due him from that state. 

Soon after the Revolution Major North married 
Mary, daughter of James Duane, one of the most emin- 
ent citizens of New York. The latter was born in that 
city in February, 1733, and in 1759 married a daughter 
of Robert Livingston. He became prominent as a law- 
yer and jurist, and at the beginning of the troubles with 
the mother country was inclined to sympathize with the 
latter, and exerted every effort towards a peaceful recon- 
ciliation. When that was found impossible he cast his 
lot with the patriots, and was a member of the Continen- 




GEN. WM. NORTHS HOUSE, DUANESBURG, N. Y. 
Built 17S4. 




FEATHERSTONAUGH MANSION, DUANESBURG, N. Y. 
Built 1812. 



STEUBEN'S MILITARY FAMILY 359 

tal Congress. Having inherited a tract of land in what 
is now Schenectady County, New York, he founded the 
village of Duanesburg about seventy-five miles southeast 
from the subsequent grant to Steuben and a dozen miles 
southwest of the city of Schenectady. Here North built 
a spacious home. An idea of his life here may be gath- 
ered from the following characteristic letter to Steuben, 
dated Duanesburg, January 8, 1789 : 



I received your letter, my dear Baron, of the 12th of De- 
cember, this morning, and have attempted three times to an- 
swer, and therefore tore the sheet in pieces. To what it was 
owing I know not; but I have had the blue devils all this morn- 
ing. We have just dined on soup and beef-steaks, and I have 
drawn two glasses of your sherry. Would to God you were 
here to drink with me! Whether this wish will banish my ill 
humor, my letter will show, provided I do not tear it in pieces 
also. I am up by daylight, and set my man and boy to work 
this morning; they were sent at a distance from hence, and I 
was obliged to drudge a mile and a half, with a load on my 
shoulders, through their carelessness. It is not very pleasant to 
walk through the snow with a load; I did sweat most confound- 
ly; this made me a little angry. But this was not all. Your 
letter told me everybody was going to be a great man. I hate 
everybody greater than myself except you. I see no chance I 
have of getting anything in this scramble. This, perhaps, made 
me mad. Knox will remain Secretary of War or have an equiv- 
alent. His smiles and bows have secured him a place of conse- 
quence in the new government. If you come in. you must re- 
solve to see him your equal. Except a very few I despise and 
detest the whole human species; would to God I had been an 
Indian! I should either have been a warrior or a Sachem. My 
wife is the best woman possible; my boy is good, but I am not 
happy. My father-in-law tells me I am independent. So I am, 
and so is every fellow with a woolen shirt, who owns a hundred 
acres of land. I go to Albany with Polly and the boy to-mor- 
row, for the first time since we have lived here. It is business 
more than pleasure that takes me there. I shall get no office 
under the new government because I shall ask for none. I am 
proud and honest. I know what I am worth, and if other peo- 
ple do not know it without my telling them, they may remain 
ignorant. Hamilton, Jay and several others who will have the 
chief management in this business, know me, but they have 
their friends and dependents. I shall go to Boston, comfort my 
old mother, and return here to drudge on in getting my living. 



360 GENERAL WILLIAM VOX STEUBEN 

No doubt North's election to the Senate a few 
months later convinced him that he had not been forgot- 
ten in the "scramble," and served as an antidote for the 
somewhat pessimistic feeling manifested at this time. He 
died in New York City on January, 1830, at the age of 
81 years. 

It will be remembered that when Steuben first un- 
dertook to drill the troops at Valley Forge, the ranks 
were thrown into confusion from the inability of the sol- 
diers to understand the Baron's orders. There was pros- 
pect of a sudden termination of the whole business in a 
ludicrous fiasco, when a young man stepped from the 
ranks and offered to translate the orders into English. 
That young man was Benjamin Walker, who was born 
in England in 1753. He came to America, and on the 
outbreak of the war enlisted in the second New York 
regiment which, at the time of the incident just men- 
tioned, was at Valley Forge. He had received a liberal 
education, and spoke and wrote French fluently. He does 
not appear to have been specially versed in German, but 
as the Baron was an excellent French scholar it was an 
easy matter for him to dictate his orders and documents 
to Walker in French to be rendered by the latter into 
English. The two men became very closely attached to 
each other, and from L778 to L782, as an aide to the 
Baron and member of his official family, he necessarily 
had charge of his correspondence and other documents. 
He also served about a year on Washington's staff, and 
was highly respected by all his military associates. Dur- 
ing the latter period he taught Mrs. Washing- 
ton the game of chess, of which the lady seem- to 
have tired, and backgammon was adopted as a substitute, 
■ to Walker's pleasure. At the close of the war Wal- 
ker was made private secretary to the Governor of New 



STEUBEN'S MILITARY FAMILY 361 

York, and also became chief naval officer under Wash- 
ington. He was with Steuben awhile at the "Louvre," 
but having married he took a house in Maiden Lane op- 
posite Liberty street, where, as we have already seen, 
Steuben on his invitation went to live with him on the 
breaking up of the "Louvre." He removed to Courtlandt 
street shortly after, but Steuben does not seem to have 
resided with him there. In response to a request from 
the Baron for his picture he replied : "If it was a minia- 
ture you meant, we have a miniature painter here in New 
York, as superior to Peale as light to darkness." We do 
not learn who the painter was, possibly it was Earle, or 
whether he ever received the commission. On leaving 
the office of secretary, Walker became a broker, and Steu- 
ben was a frequent and always a welcome guest at his 
house. In 1798 he was appointed by the Earl of Bute 
in charge of the latter's extensive estate in northern New 
York, which caused his removal to Utica, where he re- 
sided until his death on January 13, 1818, at the age of 
sixty-five years. He took an active part in public affairs, 
and represented his district in Congress in 1801-3. His 
rescue of Steuben's remains from desecration and pro- 
vision for their last resting place have already been re- 
lated. 

Pierre Etienne Duponceau was born at St. Martin, 
Re, an island, off the western coast of France, on June 3, 
1760. He seems to have had a natural taste for linguistic 
study, and learned to speak English from some persons 
of that nationality who resided on the island. While at 
college he pursued his English studies with such interest 
that he was called L' Anglais. He afterwards became 
abbe of the monastery, but remained only a short time, 
and in December, 1775, he walked to Paris, his worldly 
possessions at that time, in addition to the clothes on his 



362 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

back, consisting of an extra shirt and a copy of " Paradise 
Lost." English was then the popular language in the 
French salons notwithstanding the feeling against that 
country, and Duponceau prepared an English-French vo- 
cabulary of chase and racing terms for the Duke of Or- 
leans, but when he asked for compensation received the 
reply, "Le princes ne donent rien," (princes give noth- 
ing). Disgusted with court circles he cultivated associa- 
tion with literary characters, among them Beaumarchais, 
at whose house he met Baron Steuben in 1777. As it was 
absolutely necessary that the latter should have some as- 
sociate in his projected journey to America who under- 
stood English he engaged Duponceau as private secretary, 
and the pair sailed for their new field the following Sep- 
tember. 

As illustrating the character of the lively young 
Frenchman it is said that shortly before the party reached 
Portsmouth, Duponceau wagered that he would kiss the 
first girl they met after landing. The proposal was re- 
ceived with incredulous laughter, but nothing daunted 
Duponceau approached the first young lady he met on 
shore, and told her of his vow, adding that having come 
over to fight for American liberty he asked a kiss as a 
blessing on his undertaking. Moved by his pleading or 
appearance, or perhaps both, the kiss was granted, and 
Duponceau had the laugh on his companions. His viva- 
city and gallantry made him a favorite in Boston society, 
where his knowledge of English gave him an enormous 
advantage over his foreign associates, who, as he said, 
"Stood and sat like Indians, and could talk only by signs." 
He condescended, however, to do some interpreting be- 
tween the Baron and some of the older ladies, while carry- 
ing on a tender flirtation with Miss Sally Doan, daugh- 
ter of their hostess. 



STEUBEN'S MILITARY FAMILY 363 

As already related Duponceau accompanied Steuben 
to York and Valley Forge, sharing the vicissitudes and 
honors of his chief. He was quite near-sighted, which 
defect sometimes led him into ludicrous situations as once 
when he mistook some red petticoats hanging on a fence 
for a body of British soldiery. He was kept busy in the 
transcribing and translation of Steuben's army regula- 
tions, correspondence &c, until the winter of 1779-80 
when he fell ill, and retired to the country for a short 
time. He was able, however, to go with Steuben to Vir- 
ginia in the Autumn of 1780, but the following June was 
again prostrated and returned to Philadelphia. Fortified 
with a strong letter of introduction from Steuben, ex- 
plaining that his health did not permit him to remain in 
the military service, he was made an American citizen 
and appointed an assistant secretary in the office of for- 
eign affairs under Robert Livingston. Correspondence 
kept up his friendship with Steuben, and after the Revo- 
lution he entered upon the practice of law. He became 
a leading citizen of Philadelphia, and was recognized as 
authority on scientific and literary matters. His publi- 
cations of legal esays, translations, ethnological and other 
works, procured for him what was known as the Volney 
prize of $2,000 for original research, and for a number 
of years he was President of the American Philosophical 
Society. He died on April 1, 1844. 

Nicholas Fish was born in New York City on Au- 
gust 28, 1758. He was educated at the College of New 
Jersey and studied law, which he left to join the Revolu- 
tionary forces. In the spring of 1776 he became aide to 
General Scott, and on June 21 of that year was made 
brigade major. On November 21 he became major of 
the Second New York regiment, and soon after Lieuten- 
ant Colonel. He attracted attention by his work at both 



364 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

battles of Saratoga, and the following year was ap- 
pointed division inspector under Steuben. The latter is 
quoted as saying that he would have made an excellent 
officer in the best European army, and the two soon be- 
came firm friends. He was soon assigned to more active 
work, and had an infantry command at the battle of 
Monmouth. In 1779 he was in Sullivan's expedition 
against the Indians, and afterwards took an active part 
in the Virginia campaigns and the siege of Yorktown, 
where, with Hamilton, he aided in storming and captur- 
ing one of the redoubts. In 1786 he was made Adjutant 
General of New York State, and with Steuben prepared 
plans for harbor defenses for the city in 1793. He mar- 
ried a member of the Stuyvesant family, and died on 
June 20, 1833. His descendants have been unusually 
eminent in public affairs. 

Among those who accompanied Steuben to America 
was Jean Baptiste Ternant, a French lieutenant, who was 
born in Normandy in 1730. He resigned his position in 
the army, and offered his services to Congress by which 
body he was commissioned major and appointed sub-in- 
spector under the Baron. On September 25, 1778, he 
was commisioned lieutenant colonel and directed to in- 
spect the troops in Georgia and South Carolina. His 
letters to Steuben describing the condition of affairs there 
are very interesting, but they were terminated by his cap- 
ture with Lincoln's army at Charleston in 1786. He was 
soon afterwards exchanged and continued in the service 
until the close of the war, having been assigned to the 
charge of Armand de Roarie's regiment, during the ab- 
sence of its colonel in France soliciting supplies. On the 
latter's return Ternant was again sent south where he 
remained until the close of the war when he spent two 
years in travel and then went back to France, re-entering 



STEUBEN'S MILITARY FAMILY 365 

his old army in 1780, receiving a colonel's commission. 
He was in the battle of Volney, and seems to have been 
a short time with the German army. On the outbreak of 
the French revolution he was sent as ambassador to the 
United States, holding that position until superseded by 
Genet in 1793. He took an active part in the negotia- 
tions of 1798 in regard to the differences between Ameri- 
ca and France, and at first followed Napoleon, but was 
disgusted at the latter's coup de'tat on IS Brumaire (No- 
vember 9), 1799, and declined the newly made dictator's 
offer of a commission. His death occurred at Couches, 
in 1816. 

William Davies, who graduated at Princeton Col- 
lege in 1765, later joined the Revolutionary forces and 
was made inspector under Steuben in 1778. He was a 
favorite, not only of Steuben but of Washington, on ac- 
count of his zeal and efficiency. After the war he held 
a position in the Virginia State Auditor's office at Rich- 
mond. 

Louis de Fleury was one of the advance guard of 
those adventurous young Frenchmen whose ardor led 
them to America. He received a captain's commission 
from Congress early in 1777, and attracted attention by 
his services at the head of a volunteer corps of riflemen. 
He attained further reputation as brigade major during 
the campaign of that year, and was sent to Fort Mifflin, 
near Philadelphia, where the services of an engineer were 
needed. He was now promoted to the office of lieutenant 
colonel, and had a horse shot under him at the battle of 
Brandywine, and, as he had filled the position of aide 
major in France, at Steuben's suggestion and with Wash- 
ington's approval he was appointed a sub-inspector. The 
office of inspector having been greatly crippled by the 
jealousy of other officers, Fleury in July, 1778, was given 



366 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

second command in a corps of light infantry operating 
against Rhode Island, and subsequently command of a 
new battalion of light infantry organized by Steuben. He 
was the first to enter the main works at the storming of 
Stony Point, and with his own hands pulled down the 
British flag. He joined Rochambeau's forces when that 
general arrived, serving until the close of the war, and 
keeping up a constant correspondence with Steuben. 

James Fairlie, son of a sea captain in the West In- 
dia trade, was born in New York City about 1757, and 
entered the Revolutionary army early in the war as en- 
sign Colonel Macdougal's New York regiment. Subse- 
quently he was transferred to Philip Van Courtlandt's 
regiment, and assisted in the capture of Burgoyne's army. 
The next year he was appointed aide de camp to Steuben, 
serving at the battle of Monmouth and accompanying the 
general to Virginia. There he was captured by the 
enemy but having been exchanged he came north to New- 
burg, where he served until the was war over. We have 
already seen that he was a part of Steuben's family in 
New York City, when he became claim agent for the 
state. Subsequently he was clerk of the New York Su- 
preme Court, a member of the General Assembly and of 
the convention that framed the Constitution of 1823. He 
was appointed commissioner of bankruptcy by Jefferson, 
and in 1812 Madison offered him the position of Adju- 
tant General of the United States, which he did not ac- 
cept. His liberality and brilliancy added to a generous 
disposition made him a great favorite in society, and he 
married a daughter of Chief Justice Yates, of Albany. 
When Steuben took charge of his land in the Oneida 
Country he presented certain tracts to some of his former 
aides, Fairlie being one of the beneficiaries. Later, while 
visiting North he noticed a set of Sevres china, which at- 



STEUBEN'S MILITARY FAMILY 367 

tracted his attention. The result was that the Fairlie land 
and North's china exchanged owners. When Steuben 
heard of the transaction he manifested his disapproval by 
doubling the shares given to the other aides and turning 
what would have been Fairlie's over to North. Mr. Kapp 
also gives this affair as the cause of Steuben omit- 
ting to mention Fairlie in his will, although there does 
not seem to have been anything very reprehensible in the 
transaction. Fairlie died in New York City on October 
11, 1830, and was buried with military honors. 

Colonel William S. Smith was another of Steuben's 
aides who lived with him for awhile after the war. He 
also served as an aide to Washington, and early in 1785 
went with John Adams to England as secretary, from 
which country he wrote a series of interesting letters to 
Steuben. He afterward married the daughter of Mr. 
Adams, and was president of the Cincinnati until his 
death on June 10, 1816. 

Among others whom Steuben mentions with spe- 
cial friendliness as his assistants were : Major de Roma- 
nai, who accompanied him to America; Major De l'En- 
fant; Major De Epinier, nephew of Beaumarchais, who 
had changed his name from Lepine as sounding more 
courtly; Captain De Pontiere, who became captain of 
horse under Pulaski; Captain Duval; Colonel Meade; 
Messrs. Peyton Randolph and Moore who served him 
well in Virginia; Majors Galvan and Villefranche, and 
Lieutenant Colonel De La Lanyante, who were Steuben's 
engineers at Yorktown, and Major Popham. There are 
twenty-one in all, and probably not even the commander 
in chief had a more intimate band of devoted followers 



368 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

who loved and respected their superior officer, and, as 
we have seen, maintained the closest friendship and, in 
some instances, family life with him after the conflict was 
over. 



CHAPTER XXIV. 

THE ARTISTS' FAVORITE. 

Original Portraits of Steuben by Peale, Earle, Simitiere, Trum- 
and Pine — Copies and Reproductions. 

Not even the father of his country seems to have 
been a greater favorite with the artists of his day than 
was Baron Steuben. For a new country America was 
peculiarly favored in this respect. During the Revolu- 
tionary period there were here at least five painters of 
international reputation, of whom four were natives of 
this country, and one an adopted citizen. The oldest of 
them, Benjamin West, was born at Springfield, Pa., Oc- 
tober 17, 1738, and at -the age of eighteen began portrait 
painting in Philadelphia, going to New York two years 
later. In 1760 he visited Italy, where he remained three 
years, and was elected member of the principal academ- 
ies. Settling in London his work attracted the attention 
both of court circles and the public to such an extent that 
he was elected to succeed Sir Joshua Reynolds as Presi- 
dent of the Royal Academy, which position he held for 
twenty-eight years. His leading work, "Christ Healing 
the Sick," was purchased by the British government for 
3,000 guineas, and hangs in the National Gallery in Lon- 
don. He died on March 11, 1820, and was buried in St. 
Paul's cathedral, the only American who lies beneath 
that historic fane. He is mentioned here, not because he 
is known to have painted any portrait of Steuben, but be- 
cause he was a contemporary and instructor of those 
who did, and was the leading American representative of 
the pictorial art of his time. 



370 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

Charles Willson Peale was born at Chesterfield, Md., 
on April 6, 1741. He followed the saddler trade at An- 
napolis, but having his attention attracted by a portrait 
while on a visit to Norfolk, on his return he attempted 
to paint one of himself, with such success, that he decided 
to improve his talents in that direction. Living at Bos- 
ton in 17G8-9 he received instruction from John S. 
Copley, and in 1710 went to London where he studied 
under West, also praticing modeling in wax, casting and 
moulding in plaster, engraving in mezzotint and minia- 
ture painting. He returned to Annapolis in 1774 and 
followed his profession for two years, then removing to 
Philadelphia, and became captain of volunteers. He took 
part in the battles of Trenton and Germantown, was with 
Washington and Steuben at Valley Forge and was elected 
member of the Pennsylvania legislature in 1779. After 
the war he collected quite a museum of natural curiosi- 
ties, portraits and other art objects, and was one of the 
founders of the Philadelphia Academy of Fine Arts, con- 
tributing to seventeen annual exhibitions. An idea of 
his versatility may be formed from the fact that he prac- 
ticed dentistry, made coaches, harness, clocks, watches 
and silverware, besides being a soldier, politician, natur- 
alist, taxidermist etc. But his favorite occupation was 
portrait painting, for which Washington alone is said to 
have given him fourteen sittings, his first portrait of that 
gentleman being in the uniform of a Virginia colonel. 
He painted portraits of most of the eminent men of his 
day, including the presidents down to 1819. Peale was 
not regarded as a first class artist, and the value of his 
portraits is chiefly historical. It was Peale's custom while 
in the army to carry with him stretchers 6x8 inches in 
size on which he made sketches of those whose portraits 
he intended painting, and it was probably at Valley Forge 





STEUBEN, BY PEALE, 177S. 



STEUBEN, BY KIMITIERE. 1783. 





STEUBEN. BY PINE, ABOUT 1785. 



SOLDIERS' MONUMENT, STEUBENYILLE 



THE ARTISTS' FAVORITE 371 

in the spring of 1778 that he made the outlines of his pic- 
ture of Baron Steuben reproduced in this book. This 
portrait was on exhibition in his Philadelphia museum, 
and at his death, February 22, 1827, it with other relics 
and pictures of the Revolutionary and Colonial periods 
remained in possession of his family. They were offered 
for sale in 1854 and being purchased by the city of Phila- 
delphia were placed in Independence Hall, where they 
now remain. 

Massachusetts furnished the third of our artistic 
quintette in the person of Ralph Earle, who was born at 
Leiceister on May 11, 1751. He moved to Connecticut 
while quite young, and painted portraits there in 1775. 
On the restoration of peace he went to England and 
studied under West, and was regarded as sufficiently 
meritorious to insure his election as a member of the 
Royal Academy. He returned in 1786 and painted four 
historical pictures, the first of the kind executed by f an 
American, viz. : "The Battle of Lexington," "A View of 
Concord," "The Battle of North Bridge, Concord," 
"View of the South Part of Lexington." These were 
followed by portraits and landscapes, "Niagara Falls" 
among the latter, which created quite a furore when 
placed on exhibition in London. About this time he 
painted at least two portraits of Baron Steuben, one of 
which was given to Major William North. From Major 
North the portrait has descended to his great grand- 
daughter, Mrs. F. B. Austin, of New York City, who is 
also the possessor of the Baron's gold-headed cane, the 
gold box presented to him by the city of New York, and 
his gold watch. The other painting, which by the 
courtesy of its present owner is reproduced in this book, 
was made for James Duane, and, at his death passed 
to his daughter, Sarah Featherstonaugh, from whom it 



372 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

descended to her grandson, G. W. Featherstonaugh, of 
Schenectady, N. Y., the present owner. The portrait, 
D >nsiderably dimmed by age, is three-quarter size, and 
shows the face nearly full. It exhibits the Baron in full 
regimentals, his right hand extended and resting on the 
hilt of his sword. The Order of Fidelity is suspended 
around his neck, and the "Cincinnati" on his left breast. 
The Hudson river and West Point hills are seen in the 
background. In the left hand corner of the painting un- 
der the guard of the sword, in red letters appear the 
words : "Ralph Earle, Pinx., 1786." 

Pierre Eugene du Simitiere was a native of Geneva. 
Switzerland, and emigrated to the West Indies about 
1751. In L776 he went to Philadelphia, and became 
m 'ted as a collector of curios. Two years later he was 
elected a member of the American Philosophical Society, 
and in 1782 he opened his collection to the public under 
the title of American museum. He was a very popular 
portrait painter, and among his sitters were Washing- 
ton, Steuben, Jay and nearly all the noted men of that 
period. These were engraved by Benjamin Reading and 
published in London in 1783. lie also painted miniature- 
in water colors, and was commissioned by Congress to 

n a seal for the new American republic, but of the 
two designs submitted neither found acceptance. Re- 
cently Dr. R. M. Griswold, of Kensington, Conn., be- 
came the possessor of a rare copper print of du Simitiere's 
portrait of the Baron reproduced elsewhere. Simitiere 
died in Philadelphia, in 1784. 

Prominent in this company of Revolutionary artists 
was John Trumbull, son of the Governor of Connecticut, 
born at Lebanon on June ft, 1750. He was a graduate of 
Harvard College, in 1773, and was specially useful to 
Washington as an aide in sketching the British works 



THE ARTISTS' FAVORITE 373 

about Boston. Afterwards he was appointed adjutant 
under Gates, but resigned the next year, and in 1780 went 
to London and began studying under West. During the 
Arnold-Andre imbroglio he was arrested as a sort of 
hostage for the latter, but released after eight months 
confinement on condition that he return home. He did 
so, but went back to London and re-entered West's 
studio, where he painted a number of historical pictures. 
In 1789 he came back to America to secure portraits of 
prominent Revolutionary generals for a series of histor- 
ical paintings. Among them was that of Steuben, which 
appears in his great painting, "The Surrender of Corn- 
wallis." For this with three other paintings, "Declara- 
tion of Independence," "Surrender of Burgoyne," and 
"Resignation of Washington at Annapolis," each 18x12 
feet, ordered by Congress to be placed in the rotunda of 
the capitol at Washington, he received $32,000. The 
figure of Steuben on horseback in the Cornwallis picture 
has been made a favorite subject for engravings. Trum- 
bull died in New York on November 10, 1843. 

Robert E. Pine also appears to have painted a por- 
trait of Steuben which became the property of the United 
States Government, and was destroyed when the British 
burned the capitol on August 24, 1814. Pine was born 
in England about 1730, and came to America after the 
war for independence with the special object of securing 
the portraits of leaders in that conflict. He died in Phila- 
delphia in 1788. A copy of his Steuben portrait which 
appears elsewhere, bears a close resemblance to Peak's 
work. 

In the Governor's room of old City Hall, New York, 
hangs a portrait of Steuben the frame of which contains 
the inscription, "After Stuart by Marsiglia." Gilbert 
Stuart, who is doubtless the artist referred to, was born 



374 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

at North Kingston, R. L, on December 3, 1755, and died 
in Boston on July 27, 1828. Following the example of 
his predecessors he went to London in 1775 and studied 
under West. Returning to America in 1793 he attained 
distinction as a painter of eminent men, his Washington 
portraits having been generally accepted as the standard 
presentation of the Father of His Country. It is not im- 
possible that he might have painted Steuben during the 
winter of 1793-4, but we have no direct evidence of that 
fact, and if there was any such portrait it has disappeared. 
An exhibition of 754 of Stuart's pictures was given in 
Boston in 1880, in which there was none of Steuben. In 
fact the official report of the exhibits in connection with 
the centennial celebration of Washington's inauguration 
in 1789, refers to this portrait as a reproduction of 
Earle's, the copyist having omitted certain details in the 
dress including the watch chain and also the scenery in 
the background, which is a characteristic of Earle's por- 
traits. It may be added that the New York branch of 
the Cincinnati has a copy painted by John Schuyler, and 
the Oneida Historical Society one by M. B. Ray. 



CHAPTER XXV. 



POSTHUMUS HONORS. 



Eulogies and Memorials — Monuments at Grave and Washing- 
ton — Andrews's Portrait of Steuben — Portraits of George 
Rogers Clark and James Wilson by Filson. 

Mr. Kapp in drawing a comparison between the sim- 
plicity, and we might almost say the poverty of the pro- 
ceedings at Steuben's grave, and those of his European 
companions who were buried with all the splendor and 
brilliancy that royalty and military pomp could afford, 
concludes that after all Steuben was more fortunate than 
they. With the last salute that roared over their graves, 
they are forgotten ; the glory and enjoyment of their 
deeds belonged to the crown under which they served ; 
their names are merely mentioned in the works of some 
local historian. But Steuben, in spite of hardships and 
neglect, by drawing his sword in behalf of American 
liberty connected himself with the greatest event of mod- 
ern history. His name is as lasting as that of the Ameri- 
can Revolution, and only glows the brighter as his old 
world contemporaries sink into everlasting obscurity. 

There were those, however, who did not delay to 
render their tribute of honor to the distinguished dead. 
The German society of New York, already referred to, 
adopted a eulogy to his memory, and as a mark of re- 
spect resolved to wear mourning insignia for six weeks, 
and attend an address to be delivered by Rev. De Gross 
in the Reformed German Church in Nassau street on the 
following Sunday afternoon. There were numerous 
private testimonials from distinguished men, as the fact 
of Steuben's death became generally known, for news 



376 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

traveled slowly in those days. Colonel William North at 
his own expense, placed a mural tablet in the church above 
mentioned, and when this property was sold to the Bap- 
tists it was taken to the new building in Forsythe street. 
It lay there for awhile unmounted until the termination 
of a lawsuit which the congregation was having in re- 
gard to its property. When the matter was settled Abra- 
ham Berky had the monument restored and placed in 
proper position. It consists of an obelisk slab and square 
frame of blueish clouded marble. The urn at the base 
bears a representation of the Order De Fidelite. with 
an inscription by Col. North. 

At last the people of Oneida County, or at least a 
portion of them, seemed to realize that some little respect 
was due the remains of the hero who had died and was 
buried in their midst. Largely through the influence of 
two women, Miss Sophia Mappa and Bertha Der Kemp, 
assisted by descendants of other old friends funds were 
raised sufficient to procure a modest cenotaph, and when 
Lafayette visited the United States in 1824 he was in- 
vited to deliver an oration at its dedication. For some 
unexplained reason he declined, and the humble monu- 
ment was dedicated without his assistance. It was a sim- 
ple tablet eight feet long by four feed wide, and a foot 
in thickness, resting on four stone walls with pilasters. 
It bore the words, "Major General Frederick William 
Augustus Baron de Steuben." An address was made by 
Rev. Mr. Pierce, a Unitarian pastor in Olden Barneveldt. 

As a modest tribute from friends and neighbors no 
fault could be found with this memorial, but as the years 
rolled on the foundation began to crumble, and it became 
apparent that unless some measures were taken for its 
preservation the structure would soon be a ruin. When 
public attention was called to the matter it was felt that 



Vk^' 




STEUBEN'S FIRST MONUMENT. 
Over Grave, Oneida County, N. V.. 1824. 





STEUBEN'S SECOND MONUMENT 
Over Grave, L872. 



MONUMENT AT WASHINGTON, 1910 



POSTHUMUS HONORS 377 

while Steuben was not a seeker after post mortem hon- 
ors a testimonial should be placed over his grave which 
might in some measure at least be expressive of the feel- 
ings of subsequent generations towards the man who had 
contributed so largely towards securing their indepen- 
dence. The first formal suggestion in that direction came 
in the shape of an appeal to the Germans of the United 
States for funds to erect a monument to Steuben. This 
appeal was published in December, 1856, in the St. 
Charles Democrat, a Missouri country paper. The sug- 
gestion was favorably received, especially by German so- 
cieties throughout the country, and by means of enter- 
tainments and other sources between five and six thous- 
and dollars was collected. There the matter rested, and 
the outbreak of the Civil War soon after occupied men's 
minds to the exclusion of all other objects. In the later 
sixties the project was again revived. Additional funds 
were secured, and aided by an appropriation from the 
state of New York, the monument was begun in earnest. 
On June 1, 1870, the cornerstone was laid by Governor 
Seymor in the presence of a large assembly. 

The organizations present included the Citizens' 
Corps of Utica, with band, and the New York Lieder- 
kranz, thirty-five in number. After prayer in Welsh by 
Rev. Robert Everett, S. Karl Kapff, representing the 
Schutzen Society of New York, gave a breif sketch of 
the movement. An address of welcome on behalf of the 
people of the hamlets of Remsen and Steuben was de- 
livered by D. M. Crowell, followed by the ode "Der 
Tagdes Henen," by the Liederkranz. The Prussian na- 
tional hymn preceded the placing of the cornerstone, after 
which, on the suggestion of Governor Seymour a vote of 
thanks was tendered the Welsh society for the manner in 
which it had carried out the directions of Mr. Walker for 



378 GENERAL WILLIAM VOX STEUBEX 

the care of the grave and its surroundings. General 
Franz Sigel closed the exercises with an address in Ger- 
man. 

The monument, which was unveiled by the represen- 
tatives of the Steuben Monument Association in the sum- 
mer of 1872, was designed and built by Henry Reck, of 
X'ew York. It is a square massive structure with a base 
of Trenton limestone, upon which rests a block of dressed 
granite. On the front of the granite block a laurel wreath 
is cut in relief having in its centre the single word 
'"Steuben." The base is fourteen feet square, and the 
total height is fifteen feet. Four parrot guns are placed 
en reverse at the angles of the base, with a pile of cannon 
balls between. Fragments of the original monument 
were left at the base of its successor, and the primeval 
forest stands closely around. Two handsome pillars, 
however, indicate the entrance to the burial place, and a 
well defined trail through the woods leads to the monu- 
ment. 

Congress having appropriated $50,000 for that pur- 
pose a large monument crowned by a bronze statue of 
Steuben was erected in Lafayette park in Washington, 
which was dedicated with imposing ceremonies on De- 
cember 7, 1910. A replica of this statue was erected at 
Potsdam, Prussia, which was unveiled on September 2 
of the following year. 

In the cloister, or 'Torch of the Allies," connecting 
the Washington Memorial Church at Valley Forge with 
the Museum of American history, one of the bays has 
been erected by the National German Alliance to the 
memory of Steuben. 

On October 2, 1911, Eliphalet F. Andrews, the cele- 
brated artist who had previously donated large portraits 
of President James A. Garfield, Hon. Edwin M. Stanton 



POSTHUMUS HONORS 379 

and Hon. Benjamin Tappan to his native city and coun- 
ty, wrote from London, where he was temporarily so- 
journing, to Hon. F. H. Kerr and J. B. Doyle, offering 
to add to the already valuable collection in Steubenville 
a life-size portrait of General Von Steuben. The 
Stanton Monument Association, of Steubenville. had just 
completed a series of the most interesting and successful 
demonstrations in the history of the upper Ohio valley 
in connection with the dedication of the bronze statue 
erected to the memory of the great War Secretary in his 
native city, and it was deemed the most appropriate or- 
ganization to take charge of the picture and unveil the 
same with suitable ceremonies. The portrait was 
finished early in 1913, the Earle-Featherstonaugh paint- 
ing being taken as the basis. It is not, however, a copy, 
but the product of the artist's own ideas, aided by other 
portraits and such historical information as was avail- 
able. The figure is a standing one, three-quarter length, 
with the right hand resting on the sword hilt, and the 
left gloved and holding a glove. The rich Continental 
uniform in blue and buff makes a pleasing combination, 
showing to advantage the society decorations already de- 
scribed. Lace cuffs indicate a contrast to the fashions of 
to-day. The Baron is apparently standing in front of a 
balustrade partly covered with heavy foliage, with the 
Hudson and West Point back. It is the most brilliant 
of Mr. Andrews's portraits. 

About this time Charles P. Filson. of Steubenville, 
offered to paint a companion picture, being a portrait of 
Gen. George Rogers Clark, the conqueror of the North- 
west territory, and for several years a resident of the 
upper Ohio valley. Arrangements were made with the 
same artist for a portrait of James Wilson, grandfather 
of the President of the United States, who resided in 



380 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

Steubenville for thirty-five years, was editor of the 
Herald newspaper, member of the Legislature and Com- 
mon Pleas Court. Here was born Joseph Wilson, father 
of the President, on February 28, 1822, and here James 
Wilson died on October 17, 1850. With his wife, who 
died on September 25, 1863, he is buried in Union Ceme- 
tery. 

The basis for the Clark portrait is a miniature by 
John W. Jarvis, who was born in England in 1780, and 
was brought to America five years later. Although 
somewhat eccentric he enjoyed considerable popularity, 
but finally died in poverty at New York in 1840. The 
Clark portrait was painted early in the nineteenth cen- 
tury when he (Clark) was pretty well up in years. Rely- 
ing on Jarvis for features Mr. Filson's portrait is an 
original which is sure to attract favorable comment. Al- 
though not possessing the brilliant society decorations of 
Steuben, yet Clark's Continental uniform and other ac- 
cessories have given Mr. Filson an opportunity of dis- 
playing his skill in the way of coloring, of which he has 
taken full advantage. The picture represents Clark 
seated in the woods, figuring out his great campaign. On 
his right is a stand (possibly the stump of a tree) covered 
with the Continental flag of thirteen stars and stripes, and 
spread out above it is a map of the territory northwest 
of the Ohio from an old plate made in 1764 on which 
Mingo town is conspicuous. The forest foliage over- 
shadows the warrior and statesman, while in the back- 
ground flows the Ohio river, with two peaks beyond, as 
they appear on the seal of the state of Ohio. 

The Wilson picture is the only oil portrait of that 
gentleman in existence, being based on an old daguerreo- 
type. It depicts the strong rugged but not disagreeable 
features of its subject, indicating force and decision of 



POSTHUMUS HONORS 381 

character. The judge is seated at a table holding an open 
law book in his lap, with two others on the stand, the 
books used for this purpose being contemporary reprints 
of Bacon's Abridgment of the Laws of England and Vat- 
tell's Law of Nations. A copy of the Western Herald 
indicates the blending of the judicial and editorial mind. 
Mr. Filson has reason to congratulate himself on this his 
latest work. * 

* Sketches of Messrs. Andrews and Filson will be found in 
the Author's Memorial Life of Edwin M. Stanton, pp. 390-391. 

NOTE — The word "liberal" on page 1 should read "literal." 
"Lowell" on page 139 should read "Lovell," "northern" on 
page 160 should read "southern." 



APPENDIX 

THREE WARS CELEBRATION 

Semi-Centennial of Most Northern Invasion During the Civil 
War — Unveiling of Portraits — Dedication of Monuments 
and Cannon — Unveiling Maine Tablet. 

It happened that the completion of the portraits de- 
scribed on the preceding pages was contemporaneous 
with the semi-centennial of probably the most stirring and 
interesting historical event in the history of Eastern Ohio. 
Popularly known as "Morgan's Raid," it was the farthest 
point north reached by any invading force during the 
Civil War. On the morning of Saturday, July 25, 1863, 
the Confederate general John H. Morgan entered Jeffer- 
son County from the town of Harrisville into Mount 
Pleasant township with a force of 600 men pursued by 
the Union general James M. Shackelford with an equal 
force of Federal troops including cavalry, mounted in- 
fantry and a battery of artillery. 

Thte invaders followed the wagon road down Long 
run to Short Creek, and thence down the creek to the 
present town of Dillonvale, evidently making for the Ohio 
river, but learning that there was a trainload of troops 
at Portland (now Rayland) turned northward up "Dry 
Fork" to Smithfield. From there they went eastwardly 
to New Alexandria, reaching it about noon, and then 
went northwardly down Mclntire to Cross Creek, and up 
the creek a couple of miles where they burned a Steuben- 
ville & Indiana railroad bridge, cutting the city's west- 
ward communications. They then moved northeasterly 
to Wintersville where they encountered a force of Steu- 
benville militia, and in the firing that ensued one of the 
latter, Henry Parks was fatally wounded. A short dis- 
tance beyond Margaret Daugherty (now Mrs. Davis of 
Steubenville) was wounded by a stray bullet. Shackel- 



APPENDIX 383 

ford's force had come up by this time, and a skirmish en- 
sued at Two Ridge meeting house three miles beyond in 
which a Michigan soldier, Martin Keane, was fatally 
wounded, and several others seriously. Morgan's men 
passed through Richmond and East Springfield during 
the evening, closely followed by Shackelford and the 
Steubenville militia. A division, however, was made at 
Richmond. Leaving Major Way with a portion of the 
Ninth Michigan cavalry and Eleventh Michigan battery, 
in all 250 men, to follow Morgan, Shackelford with his 
main body including the Steubenville militia turned 
northward toward Hammondsville intending to flank 
Morgan. The latter went northwest from East Spring- 
field, and camped that night on the Herdman Taylor 
farm on Elkhorn branch of Yellow Creek with Way on 
the hills above. Before daylight on Sunday morning he 
slipped away, burning the county bridge, and the chase 
was renewed. Way overtook him at Monroeville on the 
extreme northern limit of the county, where a battle en- 
sued, the raiders being routed with a loss of several killed, 
forty-five wounded, 239 prisoners, horses &c. The race 
was nearly ended, and Morgan being now over the Co- 
lumbiana county line, surrendered to Shackelford at 2 
o'clock on Sunday afternoon, the force of 2,246 with 
which he had crossed the Ohio river at Brandenburg be- 
ing now reduced to 336. The prisoners were taken to 
Steubenville by rail the next morning, and thence 
to different points. Morgan with his officers were 
confined in the Ohio penitentiary, in retaliation for 
similar treatment of Union raiders in the South, 
from which institution he escaped, apparently through 
a tunnel, but the manner has been the subject of 
considerable controversy. To commemorate these 
events and to indicate Morgan's and Shackelford's zig- 



384 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

zag course of fifty miles through Jefferson county it was 
resolved to place fourteen granite monuments at as many 
different salient points which should mark the course for 
all time. Each monument weighs about 1,800 pounds, 
being twenty inches square, resting on a concrete founda- 
tion, and four feet high, with a front bevel to receive a 
suitable bronze tablet 16x24 inches. Monument No. 1, 
located at Harrisville, bears the following inscription : 

"General John H. Morgan in command of Confed- 
erate troops entered Jefferson County here July 25, 1863 ; 
proceeded northward via Short Creek Valley, Smithfield, 
and other villages, pursued under orders of Gen. Am- 
brose E. Burnside, by Gen. James M. Shackelford com- 
manding 14th 111. Cav., First Ky., Cav., 9th Mich. Cav., 
11th Mich. Bat'y, 86th Ohio Mounted Inf., 2d Tenn. 
Mounted Inf., Tablet No. 1. Erected July, 1913." 

The others have the same general statement changed 
to suit each particular location, No. 2 being located on 
Short Creek bridge above Dillonvale ; No. 3 in Dillon- 
vale ; No. 4 at Smithfield ; No. 5 at New Alexandria; No. 
6, mouth of Mclntyre; No. 7, Cross Creek at burned 
bridge; No. 8, Wintersville; No. 9. Two Ridges; No. 10, 
Richmond; No. 11, East Springfield, No. 12, Morgan 
bridge; No. 13, old Nebo, near Bergholz; No. 14, Mon- 
roeville. The Steubenville militia appear on the tablets 
beginning at Wintersville. 

Four similar monuments were placed at the corners 
of Fort Steuben in the city of Steubenville, bearing the 
following inscription : "Corner of Fort Steuben, erected 
1786, named in honor of Major General Frederick Wil- 
liam Augustus Baron von Steuben, who rendered dis- 
tinguished service to the United States army in the War 
of the Revolution with General George Washington, 
February 7, 1778 to April 15, 1784." 



APPENDIX 385 

At this time two bronze cannon which had been 
used during the Civil War were donated by the National 
Government as addenda to the bronze statue of Hon. 
Edwin M. Stanton, which had been erected in front of 
the Jefferson County Court House two years before. 
These cannon were made at the celebrated Revere foun- 
dry at Canton, Mass., where Paul Revere, of Revolution- 
ary fame, worked from 1801 to 1818. They were se- 
lected by Captain J. C. Ault from the Chattanooga battle- 
field, and, mounted on cast iron carriages make a marked 
addition to the Court House lawn. 

In addition to all this a handsome tablet 13x18 
inches made of bronze and brass cannon recovered from 
the battleship Maine sunk in Havana harbor, was se- 
cured, together with an electric helm indicator, bronze 
port covers and ornamental tripod which had lain in the 
water about fifteen years. The tablet is a work of art 
designed by Charles Keck and cast by the Williams 
Bronze foundry, N. Y. It represents the Goddess of 
Liberty holding a shield on her left ami while the right 
hand is stretched towards a palm branch. In the dis- 
tance is the wrecked vessel slowly sinking in the waters 
of the Atlantic ocean. The tablet was placed on the front 
of the Court House, and the relics in the City Museum. 

To have these as well as some minor objects placed 
without due recognition seemed so inappropriate that it 
was decided to hold proper dedicatory ceremonies under 
the name of Three Wars Celebration, to include the Revo- 
lutionary, Spanish and Civil Wars. It being practically 
impossible to crowd all the ceremonies into a single day 
it was decided to extend them over three days beginning 
with July 23, 1913. 

As a matter of fact the celebrations began before 
that, the fireworks combination exhibiting the Fall of 



386 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

Pompeii and other spectacular effects playing nightly 
during the week beginning Monday, July 21, 1913, to- 
gether with the camp of the 17th United States Infantry 
and other gatherings. 

The first official act in connection with the celebra- 
tion may be said to be the visit of Col. R. C. Morgan, 
brother of the general, and Col. Cicero Coleman, both of 
Lexington, Ky., to some of the markers indicating the 
course taken by the raiders and their pursuers. Both of 
these gentlemen had been captured at Buffington, and 
consequently knew nothing personally of the termination 
of the raid. The monuments visited were those com- 
memorating the shooting of Henry Parks at Winters- 
ville, Martin Keane and others at Two Ridges, and the 
movements through Richmond and East Springfield. 

Thursday, July 24, was appropriately denominated 
Revolution Day, as then the four monuments marking 
the site of Fort Steuben were dedicated, and the por- 
traits of Generals Steuben and Clark unveiled, together 
with that of Hon. James Wilson. The exercises were 
held in Court Room No. 1, Hon. Carl H. Smith presid- 
ing and delivering the opening address. The monuments 
and two first named portraits were presented to the city 
of Steubenville on behalf of the donors and the Stanton 
Monument Association by its President, Hon. F. H. Kerr, 
and the Wilson portrait to the County of Jefferson. They 
were accepted on behalf of the municipality by Roy N. 
Merryman, City Solicitor, with an appropriate address. 

The Steuben portrait was unveiled by Miss Clara 
Francis, of Martins Ferry, followed by an address by Dr. 
Roger M. Griswold, representing the Putnam Phalanx, 
of Hartford, Conn. The speaker wore the old Continen- 
tal uniform, and his address was an able review of Steu- 
ben's life and achievements, concluding as follows: 



APPENDIX 387 



The matchless courage and patience of Washington, supple- 
mented by the great skill and energy of Steuben, worked out 
the reward of our country's freedom, and we to-day enjoy the 
results of their labors. 

When we think of what Steuben was in his native land, of 
his rank and distinction, of the sacrifices he made, of what he 
did so thoroughly and patiently for us. of the results he accom- 
plished in spite of the inadequate material at his command, the 
jealousy of his brother officers and the refusal of an incompe- 
tent and unpatriotic Congress to recognize his worth and assist 
his efforts, content to act in an humble and inconspicuous ca- 
pacity, if thereby he could contribute to a just and righteous 
cause, when we consider all these things, then his name grows 
luminous and resplendent, and stands as the beautiful sym- 
bol of humble and dutiful service heroicly performed. 

And so to-day in your beautiful city, enjoying the fruits of 
the land which he did so much to help our ancestors acquire, 
we unveil a portrait of that great man, who, having affluence 
and honor in his own country, standing high in the esteem of 
his great sovereign, with the kings of Europe bidding for ser- 
vices, left behind him friends and fatherland, and came to the 
land of the stranger, that he might have a part in the birth of a 
new nation, and lay his bones in a soil he helped to dedicate 
to liberty and the rights of man. 

Miss May Crumley, of Steubenville, gracefully 
unveiled the Clark portrait, and an eloquent address was 
delivered by Hon. W. B. Francis, Representative in Con- 
gress. He referred to the magnificent collection of por- 
traits which the city and county were acquiring, and 
among other things, said : 

The teacher and scholar who may gaze upon these excellent 
portraits will inquire in his own mind who they are, whence 
they came, when they lived and what patriotic service each of 
them has rendered. Lessons of patriotism are the lessons we 
wish our children to learn, for we are now in an age where fads 
and isms have been fostered to such an extent that representa- 
tive government is being challenged and the cornerstone which 
our fathers were instrumental in laying is being torn up and 
those fads substituted. We should not forget what these pa- 
triots went through. They offered their lives in support of the 
principles which they cherished so dearly, and many of their 
compatriots perished for the cause of constitutional liberty. 
Their institutions which have lasted for 136 years were wrought 
in the crucible of misery, deprivation and blood, while the fads 
of to-day are cherished in the lap of luxury. 



388 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

In order to give you an idea of the blessings which this 
great man, George Rogers Clark, the subject of our discourse 
to-day. has brought to the states and people. I would ask you 
to take the map of the United States, beginning at Lake Erie 
on the Pennsylvania line and follow the west line of Pennsyl- 
vania south to the Ohio river and then follow the Ohio river to 
the Mississippi, thence northwesterly with its course to British 
Columbia, then with British Columbia follow the Great Lakes 
eastward to the place of beginning, and I said you had the gar- 
den of America; but I now say you have the garden of the 
world. For alluvial land, mineral resources, timber, rivers, 
lakes, harbors, fisheries, fruits, stock raising, climate — every- 
thing. These are the lands which George Rogers Clark bought 
and laid down for settlement for the people of the United States, 
and especially to be enjoyed by the inhabitants of the respective 
states comprising this territory. Few stop to think that the 
lands acquired by his conquest aie as great in area and greater 
in fertility, than the thirteen original states. Four times since 
the acquisition of these lands, we have taken up the sword in 
defense of the flag, and four times the Northwestern Territory 
has furnished her quota of brave men for the common cause. 

When we think of Lincoln, of Grant, Sherman, Sheridan, 
Stanton, Custer, of New Rumley, who never lost a gun nor sur- 
rendered a color, and that great array of soldiery who marched 
to the front and held the government inseparable, we can see 
that near one-half of this soldiery was furnished from these; 
and here again the acquisition of Clark is emphasized. In these 
great states the hum of industry is heard on every hand, at every 
mile a school house, church spires from every village, hill and 
vale; a network of steam and electric railways and its com- 
merce has already surpassed any other like area in the whole 
world. 

But let us turn to the picture we have before us today of 
the man who was the forerunner of the establishing of the 
rights of the Union in this great country. When we consider 
him justly he should have a place by the side of George Wash- 
ington. 

Little Gloria Wilson Redmon drew aside the flag 
which unveiled the portrait of her great great grandfa- 
ther. The address was made by Hon. Rees G. Richards, 
depicting Judge Wilson as an editor, a legislator and a 
jurist, concluding: 

When we consider that, for thirty years in this community 
James Wilson so devoted his life and energy to the up-building 
of society, to defusing the principles of virtue and knowledge, 



M<a| Q o£ 

JEFFERSON CO. , O u 

Scal e lln.= 8m 



-»-*s 



CARROLL CO. 




Route of Confederate Invasion, Jellerson County, July 25-26, 1863. Farthest 
North of any invading loree during the Civil War. 




MAINE MEMORIAL TABLET 

On Front of Jefferson County Court House. 

Courtesy Jno. Williams, Inc. 



APPENDIX 389 

thus molding public sentiment and directing the thoughts of 
men toward a better and higher civilization, is it not well, that 
we here honor his memory and commend it to this and coming 
generations as a precious heritage? No stain of want of fidel- 
ity to truth and justice mars the noble career of his long and 
useful life. His descendants who honor us by their presence, 
and the absent ones, even he who occupies the exalted position 
of chief magistrate of this great Republic may well be proud 
of their lineage and cherish the name and memory of fames 
Wilson. 

The proceedings were enlivened with some beautiful 
vocal numbers by Miss Marian Forsythe with Miss 
Dargue as accompanist, the audience joining in 
''.America," at the close. 

Friday was set apart the commemorating events 
of the Civil and Spanish wars. Being the semi-centennial 
of the farthest point north reached by an invading force 
during the Rebellion, the fourteen monuments indicating 
the pursuit of General John PI. Morgan through Jeffer- 
son county, were appropriately dedicated as were the 
bronze cannon already described as addenda to the Stan- 
ton monument. 

The proceedings began with a re-union of the Jeffer- 
son County Soldiers and Sailors Association at Turner 
Hall with an exceptionally large attendance. Addresses 
were made by Rev. S. F. Ross and Dr. J. W. Collins of 
Toronto; Hon. John McElroy of Washington; Congress- 
man W. B. Francis of Martins Ferry ; Hon. D. S. Fergu- 
son of Troy, O. ; Hon. Daniel Ashworth, of Crafton, 
Pa., and Gen. A. M. Rowe, of Boise, Idaho, with musical 
selections by Miss Maine Connor, of Toronto. A warm 
fraternal welcome was extended to Col. R. C. Morgan 
and Col. Cicero Coleman. 

The military parade started at 11 o'clock A. M. with 
Capt. A. A. Franzheim as chief marshal, including two 
companies of 17th U. S. Infantry with local band, Du- 



390 GENERAL WILLIAM VON STEUBEN 

quesne Greys of Pittsburgh, with band and drum corps, 
Steubenville Cadets and Spanish War Veterans, carriages 
with guests, all of whom were greeted with great enthu- 
siasm. 

The large afternoon meeting at the Stanton monu- 
ment in front of the Court House was presided over by 
Hon. F. H. Kerr, who formally presented to the county 
the bronze cannon received from the Government, the 
Morgan-Shackelford markers and the Maine tablet. All 
these including the Wilson portrait were formally ac- 
cepted by W. C. Brown on behalf of the County Commis- 
sioners. Mr. Brown took the position that the Civil War 
was one great step in the progress of evolution of civiliza- 
tion which is still in progress. It has its present form 
in the laws for the regulation of railroads, manufactories 
and relations generally between employer and employe. 

Hon. John McElroy, of Washington, D. C, deliv- 
ered a most eloquent address on the passing of the caval- 
ier, indicating that Morgan and his men were among the 
last exponents of knight errantry, which, through the in- 
fluence of Scott's novels, was so popular in the South. 

At the conclusion of Col. McElroy's address, the 
Maine memorial tablet on the front of the Court House 
was unveiled by Miss Helen Franzheim. 

Colonel Daniel Ashworth, of Pittsburgh, concluded 
the exercises with one of the strongest speeches of the 
entire celebration. He traced the composition of the peo- 
ple of the great Northwest, the part they had taken in the 
development and preservation of the country, and paid 
glowing tributes to Stanton, the great War Secretary, 
and the heroes of the Maine 




JEFFERSON COUNTY COURT HOUSE. 

Steubenville, O. 

Decorated for Three Wars Celebration. 



APPENDIX 391 

The industrial and auto parade on Friday evening 
under Marshals William Hartshorn and Ross Anderson, 
made a most creditable showing, and the designs were 
most artistic and effective. 

Among the features of the week were the re-union 
of the Wilson family at St. Peter's deanery, luncheon 
tendered by the ladies' committee at the Country Club, 
and the reception of Prof. A. M. Rowe, Adjutant General 
of Idaho, by his former pupils. 

An informal promenade and dance at Stanton Park 
Casino on Friday night furnished a delightful social ter- 
mination to a round of busy functions. 



INDEX 



Academy. Military. 299. 
Adams, John. 47, 67, 336. 
Adams, Samuel, 45, 67. 
Albany, arms at, 158; Freedom of 

to Steuben, 328; 343. 
Albemarle Court House, 238. 
Allen. E., 178. 
Allentown, 113. 
Allegheny Mountains, 289. 
Amelia Court House. 246. 
Anderson. R., 391. 
Andre, 102, 182. 
Andrews Eliphalet P.. 377. 
Annapolis, 224. 305, 319. 
Appomatox River, 231, 237. 
Aranda. Count de, 39, 41. 
Arbuthnoi, 166. 225. 
Armands, 86. 
Army Regulations, 133. 
Armstrong. Gen., 322. 330, 342. 
Articles of Confederation, 267. 
Arnold. Benedict. 173, 178, 201, 

210, 225, 233, 237. 
Arnold, Jonathan, changes name 

to Steuben. 184. 
Ashworth, Col. D., 390. 
Augusta County, 215. 
Augusta (City). 246. 
Ault, J. C, 385. 
Austria, 11. 

Baden, Margrave of. 19. 

Baltimore, 222, 236, 255. 

Bancroft, 116, 202. 

Baptist Society, 354. 

Beaumarchais. M. De., birth of, 
24; a court favorite, 25; impris- 
onment, 26; international scan- 
dals. 27; advocates cause of the 
Colonies, letters to Louis XVI,; 
becomes agent of the French 
government, 35; sends supplies 
to America, 36; helps Steuben 
to sail, 45; author of operas, 
52; extravagant expenditures. 



53; troubles at home, 54; 

claims against America, 57. 
Blandford. 236. 
Blue Book, 136. 
Boston. 65, 66, 144. 
Boudinot. E., 127, 149, 287. 
Boydton, 194. 
Brandenburg, 7. 
Brown, W. C, 390. 
Burgoyne, Surrender of, 47, 66. 

Cabin Point, 209, 230. 

Cadwailader. Gen., 104. 

Camden, 164. 

Canada, 168. 

Carleton. Sir Guy. 277, 288 

Carlisle, 158. 

Carolinas. North and South. 148. 

153, 163. 219. 246. 289. 
Carcn, P. A., see Beaumarchais. 
Carrington. Co!.. 207. 
Carter's Ferry, 248. 
Chamblee, 302. 
Champlain. Lake. 179. 301. 
Charleston. 109. 148. 163, 219, 277. 
Charlotte C. H.. 246. 
Charlottesville, 239, 256. 
Chesapeake Bay, 222, 224. 234, 

252. 265. 
Chester. 191, 255. 
Chesterfield, 198. 210. 214, 232. 
Christ Church, 123. 
Chickahominy. 207, 236. 
Cincinnati. Society of. 310, 336. 
City Point, 231. 
Clairborne, Major, 204. 
Clark, Gen. George Rogers, 151, 

192, 208, 289, 378. 
Clinton. Gov.. 331, 336, 342. 
Clinton. Sir Henrv. 102, 108. 115. 

119, 139. 142, 148, 152, 163, 166, 

201, 225, 250, 265, 277. 
Cobham, 236. 
Coggin's Point. 208. 
Coleman, C, 386. 



:94 



INDEX 



Cole's Ferry, 246. 

Congress. Continental and Con- 
federate. 71, 74, 98, 122, 133 
267, 285, 293. 308, 319. 

Congress. National, 323. 

Connecticut Farms. 166. 

Constitution, New, 322. 

Conway, Thomas, 40, 81, 87. 

Cornwallis, Lord. 114, 148, 164 
219. 237, 249, 261. 

Coryell's Ferry, 102. 

Cowpens. 218. 

Crosswicks, 113. 

Crumley. Elizabeth May, 387 

Cumberland. C. H., 246. 

Custis, Miss, 192. 

Daugherty, Margaret, 381. 
Davies. Col. Wm., 197, 204, 241, 

244. 
Deane. Silas. 23 36. 40, 364. 
De Kalb. Baron, 95. 128, 164 
De la Fidelite, 19. 
Delaware River, 101, 119 
Denmark, 189. 
Depontiere, M., 45, 366. 
Debarras, Admiral, 255. 
D'Estaing, Count, 119. 
Destouches. Admiral. 222, 225. 
De Tilly, 220. 
Detroit. 301. 

Digby, Admiral, 256, 288. 
Dismal Swamp, 220, 225. 
Doehla, John, 263. 
Doyle, J. B.. 378. 
Duane, James. 320, 357, 370. 
Duanesburg. 339. 
Duer. 320. 
Duponceau. Peter S., 45. 63, 67. 

102, 133, 191, 220, 360. 
Duportail, 86. 
Duval, Capt., 366. 

Earle. Ralph, 370. 

Elizabeth. Empress of Russia, 11, 

15. 
Elizabeth River. 221. 
Elizabethtown. Pt., 166. 
Elk. Head of 222, 224. 234, 255. 
Elk Hill, 240. 
Enfant, de 1' AS, 133, 366. 



England, peace of 1763, 17; 22, 47. 

152. 189, 289. 
Englishtown, 113. 
Epenieres Des, 45, 366. 
Eutaw Springs, 219. 

Eairlie. James, 203. 242, 328. 365. 

Featherstonaugh. G. W., 371. 

Filson, Charles P., 378. 

Fiske. Prof. J.. 202. 

Fish, Nicholas, 342. 362. 

Fishkill, 68, 144, 182. 

Flamand, 62. 

Fleury. Col.. 86, 133. 364. 

Florida. 152, 277. 289. 

Fork, Point of. 238. 

Four Mile Creek. 204. 

Francis, Clara, 386. 

Francis, W. B.. 387. 

France, Coalition against Frede- 
rick, 11: bad condition 22, 
treaty, 48. 171, 289. 

Francy. M.. 45. 67. 

Frank, 46. 

Franklin, Benjamin. 23, 40, 147, 
158. 

Franzheim. A. A.. 388. 

Franzheim, Helen, 390. 

Fredericksburg, 209, 220, 239. 

Frederick the Great. 9, 119. 

Freehold (Monmouth). 103, 112. 

Gates, Gen. H., 70, 107, 163, 179. 

286. 
Gemat, Col., 118. 
Georgia, 148, 153, 163. 219. 289. 
Gerard, M., 48. 143. 
Cermain. Lord. 251. 
German Reformed Church, 374. 
German Society, 329. 343, 374. 
Gerry. E., 324. 
Gibson, Col., 207. 
Gloucester Point, 103,; Va., 252. 

261. 
Goochland, C. H., 241. 
Graves. Admiral. 255. 
Grasse. Count De. 254, 262, 266. 
Greene. Gen., 86, 104. 166, 183, 

189. 192, 195, 199, 215, 217, 228. 

270. 
Greene. Prof. G. W., 193. 



INDEX 



395 



Gregory, Gen., 220. 
Griswold. R. M., 185, 371. 386. 
Gross, Rev. D.. 374. 
Guilford, C. H., 218. 

Haddonfield, 103. 

Haldimand, Gen., 301. 

Halifax C. H., 245. 

Hamilton, Alex.. 43, 86. 116. 119, 

121. 127, 132, 144. 190, 265, 287. 

320, 323, 336. 
Hampton Roads, 210, 252. 
Hancock, John, 67. 70. 73. 
Hanover C. H., 240. 250. 
Hardy's Ferry, 210. 
Harrison. Gen., 272. 
Hartford, 68. 144, 182. 
Hartshorn, W. G., 391. 
Havelsburg, 18. 43. 
Hechingen, 17. 
Henry, Patrick, 72. 
Henry, Prince of Prussia, 335. 
Hightstown, 113. 
Hillsboro. 164. 
Holland, 189, 288, 347. 
Holy Roman Empire. 6. 190. 
Hood's. 204, 208. 
Hopewell. 104. 
Hough, L.. 344. 
Hortalez, Roderique & Co., see 

Beaumarchais. 
Howe, Lord, 101. 
Howe, Gen. Robt., 172, 286. 
Hubertsburg. peace of, 17. 
Hudson River. 124, 148. 
Iluger, Gen., 199. 
Hulson, Gen Von.. 13. 
Huntington, Samuel. 153. 161. 

Independence, Declaration of, 74. 
Tnnes, Col.. 230. 
Inspector General, see Steuben. 
Irving, Washington. 203, 233, 244. 
251. 

James River, 220. 233. 252. 

Tamestown, 204, 251. 

Jarvis. J. W.. 379. 

Jay, John, 320, 331. 341. 

Jefferson, Thomas, 72. 193, 196, 

206.211,213.240. 
Tefferson County, 331. 



Tones. John Paul, 152. 
Jones, P., 183, 339. 

Kapp, F.. 5, 8, 16. 96, 128. 135, 

202, 355. 374. 
Keane. Martin. 386. 
Kerr, F. H., 378. 
King William County, 257. 
King's Ferry. 124. 254. 
King's Mountain, 192. 
Knox, Gen.. 173, 304, 336. 
Knyphausen, Gen., 113. 115, 148. 
, 166. 
Kosciuski, 86. 128. 

Lancaster. 79. 

Lafayette. 86, 95. 96, 104. 114. 172, 

222. 235, 238. 244, 249, 261, 270, 

273, 375. 
Langborn. Col. Wm., 244. 259. 
Laurens, Henry, 45, 94. 130. 
Laurens, Col.. 86, 116, 122. 
Lawson, Gen., 195, 210, 241, 246. 
Lee, Arthur, 23, 31. 
Lee, Gen. Charles. 96; sketch of 

104; his treason, 110. 
Lee, Harry. 217. 
Lee, Richard Henry, 72, 244. 
Leslie, Gen.. 201. 
Lexington. 166, 178. 
Lincoln. Gen., 155, 163. 299. 304. 
Livingstons, 73. 159, 320, 329. 336, 

342. 
London, 24, 28, 252. 
Louisa C. H.. 241. 
Louis XV., 22. 
Louis XVI., 22. 29. 
Louisiana. 289. 
Louvre, 322. 328. 
Lovell, James, 139. 
Luzerne, De la, 144. 162. 

Mackinac, 304. 

Mahan, 180. 

Madgeburg. 8. 

Maine Tablet &c. 385. 

Manchester. 205. 233. 

Mappa Family, 347, 350. 375. 

Maria Theresa, 11. 

Marseilles. 45. 

Maryland, 49. 191. 269. 

Marion, 163, 217. 



39G 



LNDEX 



Massachusetts. 49, 179. 

Matthews, Gen., 201. 

Mayr, Gen. John. 12. 

Maxwell, Gen.. 104, 117. 

McElroy, Col. John, 390. 

Merryman. R. N.. 386. 

Meade. Col., 211, 366. 

Michianza, 101. 

Middletown. 113, 119. 

Mifflin, Gen.. 96. 

Mingo Town. 331. 

Mississippi, 290. 

Monmouth (See Freehold) battle 

of, 114. 
Montbarey, Prince. 39. 41. 291. 
Montgomery, Gen., 179. 
Montreal, 302. 
Morgan. Gen. J. H.. 383. 
Morgan, Col.. 104, 217. 
Morgan Raid, 381. 
Morgan. R. C, 386. 
Morris. Governeur, 128. 
Morris. Robert, 45. 294. 
Morristown, 109, 148, 181, 222. 
Moultrie, Co!., 109. 
Mount Holly 103. 113. 
Mount Vernon, 191. 234, 255. 
Muhlenburg, Gen., 118, 197. 219. 

225. 230. 
Mulligan, J. W.. 341. 343, 349. 

Nansimond River. 210. 

Naples, 190. 

isarragansett. 172. 

Mash, Gov., 246. 

Nelson, Gen.. 197. 203, 207. 220, 

237. 
Nelson, Gov.. 272. 
Neuville. Col.. De la, 87. 125. 128. 
Xewburg, 285, 293. 
New Hampshire, 322. 
New Haven. 144, 178. 
New Jersey. 66. 102, 141, 148, 166 

327." 
Newport. 124, 129. 152, 221. 225. 
Newport News. 220. 
New York. 66, 119, 148, 254, 265. 

279, 305, 328, 336. 342. 
New Windsor. 286. 
Nicola. Col. Lewis, 281. 



North. Wm, 15. 80, 328. 343, 351, 

356, 370, 375. 
Ohio, state. 49, 151. 
Ohio, river, 289. 
Oneida County and lake. 183, 339. 

343, 375, 
Onondaga Lake, 344. 
Oswego, 342. 

Pagaa's Creek, 230. 

Page, John, 325. 

Pamunkey river. 236. 

Paris, Steuben in, 20, 3S. 43. 

Parker, Col., 210, 225. 

Parks, Henry, 386. 

Passy. 40, 48. 

Patterson, Gen.. 117. 

Paulus Hook, 147, 305. 

Peale. Chas. W., 369. 

Pendleton. Edmund, 72. 

Pennsylvania, 71, 326. 

Peter III., of Russia, 17. 

Petersburg. 195, 203. 206, 233. 327. 

Peters. Richard, 130, 137. 

Philadelphia, 29. 66. 101, 131. 153, 

180, 255, 284, 293. 304, 306. 
Phillips, Gen., 225, 230, 233. 
Pickering Timothy. 136. 
Pine, R. E.. 372. 
Poland, 105. 
Port Monmouth. 113. 
Portsmouth, 63. 210. 225, 251. 
Portugal, 105. 190. 
Potomac river. 234, 252. 
Potsdam, 378. 
Prague, siege of. 9. 
Prescott. Gen., 111. 
Prince Edward C. IT., 246, 248. 
Prince George Countv and C. H., 

208. 230. 
Princeton, 104. 
Providence. 130. 144. 
Piovost, David. 328. 
Provost, Samuel, 336. 
Prussia. 13, 16, 190. 
Pulaski Count. 86, 128. 153. 

Quebec, 179. 289. 

Randolph, Peyton. 72, 366. 
Rapidan river. 239. 



INDEX 



397 



Rappahannock river. 252. 

Redmon, Gloria W. 388. 

Reed, President, 123. 131, 141, 181. 

Re, Island of, 360. 

Remsen. 376. 

Rennselaer. Stephen Van, 343. 

Rhode Island, 65. 119, 166. 220. 

Richards. R. G., 388. 

Richmond, 192. 195, 205, 236, 249. 

Ridder. H., 335. 

Ridgefield, 179. 

Roanoke River. 197. 

Rochambeau, Count. 172. 182, 254. 

258, 266. 
Rodney, Admiral. 266. 
Romanai, M. D.. 45, 366, 
Rome, 344. 
Root. Mr., 138. 
Russia, 11. 15. 189. 
Putledge, Edward, 73. 

Sandy Hook. 103. 

Sanscullottes, 87. 

Saratoga, 179. 304. 

Sardinia. King of Calls Steuben, 

19. 
Savannah, 152. 219, 277. 
Saxony, 8, 11. 
Schenectadv County. 339. 
Schuyler. Fort. 339. 
Schuyler. Philip. 66, 163. 339. 
Schweidnitz, 16. 
Schwerin, Count, 12. 
Scott, Gen., 111. 117. 
S<mf. Col., 203. 

Seven Years War, ending, 19. 
Seven Islands. 248. 
Shackelford. T. M.. 381. 
Sheaf. Miss, 338. 
Sigel. Gen. F., 377. 
Sherman, Roger, 73. 336. 
Shippen, Miss, 101, 181. 
Silesia, 11. 

S ; mcoe. Gen., 206. 240. 243. 
Simitiere. P. E.. 371. 
Smallwood, Gen.. 118, 207. 
Smith. C. H., 386. 
Smithfield. 210, 212. 
Smith, Wm., 328, 366. 
Smithville (Charlotte C. H.), 246 



Soldiers' reunion. 389. 

Springfield, 68, N. J.. 166. 

Spain. 15. 35. 42, 152. 2S9. 333. 

Sorel river. 302. 

Stanwix, Fort, 344. 

Stanton Memorial Cannon. 385. 

Staunton, 244. 

Star Hill, 339. 

Staten Island, 166. 

Steuben, Augustus Von, 7. 

Steuben, Ernest Nicholas, 6. 

Steuben. Wilhelm, 7. 

Steuben, F. W., Jr., 184. 

Steuben. Frederick William Au- 
gustus &c, birth. 8; education, 
9; promoted, 10; under Mayr, 
12: under Frederick the Great, 
13; captured by Russians, 15; 
at various courts, 18; visits 
Paris, 20; Germain suggests 
America, 3S; meets Beaumar- 
chais, Deane and Franklin, 40; 
sails for America. 45: arrival at 
Portsmouth. 62; at Boston. 66; 
journeyed to York. 67; meets 
committee of Congress. 78; 
reaches Valley Forge. 80; be- 
gins operations. 89; appointed 
inspector by Washington, 88; 
appointed by Congress, 93; a 
cabal, 96; conflict of authority, 
97; arrangement by Washing- 
ton, 99; enters Philadelphia, 
102; rejoins Washington, 103; 
discovers Clinton's movements, 
111; lost his hat, 113; effect of 
training. 116; part in battle of 
Monmouth, 117; challenges 
Lee. 121; desires a permanent 
command. 125: new proposals 
to Congress. 128; requested to 
go to Rhode Island. 129: re- 
mains at White Plains, 130; be- 
gins book. 133: printing trou- 
bles, 136: complimentary reso- 
lution. 137: reviews situation, 
139; renews his work. 141; suc- 
cess of bayonet demonstrated, 
143: visit of French minister, 
144; financial troubles, 149; re- 



398 



INDEX 



visits Congress, 153; anxiety 
concerning Southern army, 160; 
baffles Knyphausen. 166: re- 
view- of situation. 167; sent to 
West Point. 173. department 
reorganised. 176; trial of Andre. 
183; renames Jonathan Arnold, 
184; goes to Virginia, 191; be- 
gins operation. 194; hampered 
bv state authorities, 197; Ar- 
nold's invasion, 202; Richmond 
burned, 205; Arnold besieged at 
Portsmouth: troops sent to 
Greene, 215; arrival of Lafay- 
ette, 224; plans to free Virgin- 
ia, 226; Greene's commenda- 
tion, 228; evacuates Petersburg, 
232; rendezvous at Point of 
Fork, 238; retreats south. 243: 
at Charlotte Court House, 246; 
turns northward. 218; joins La- 
fayette. 250; illness. 256: re- 
turns to the army. 257: assigned 
to a division, 259; receive- let- 
ter on surrender from Corn- 
wall's. 261: demands investiga- 
tion, 272: returns north, 274: 
reviews situation. 279: financial 
embarrassment, 284: writes to 
Luzerne and Vergennes, 290; 
disbanding the army, 296; sug- 
gests peace establishment and 
military academy, 299; com- 
missioned to Canada, 301; en- 
ters New York. 305: resigna- 
tion accepted, 308: organizes the 
Cincinnati. 310; claims against 
Congress. 318: final settlement. 
325; life in New York. 329; an 
Ohio memorial. 332; proposi- 
tion to Spain, 333; at Wash- 
ington's inauguration. 336; gees 
to his farm, 339; visit from rel- 
atives, 341; political pamohlets, 
342; on defense commission, 
343: country living. 346; sudden 
illness and death. 349. desecra- 

ion of grave. 354: military 
family, 356; original portraits 
of. 369; posthumous honors. 
374; dedication of second mon- 



ument. 377; monument at 
Washington. 377; Valley Forge 
memorial. 377; Andrews por- 
trait of. 377; dedication of por- 
trait at Steubenville, 385. 

Steuben. Fort, and Steubenville, 
333, 382 

Steuben Hill, 339. 

Steuben, Wm. Augustine, 7. 

St. Clair, Gen., 336. 

St. Germain. Count, 18. 20. 38. 41. 

S*. Peter's deanery, 391. 

Stewart. Col., 275. 

Stirling, Gen. Lord, 95. 

St. Lawrence river. 302. 

Stony Point, 142. 

St. Paul's Chapel, 336. 

Stuart, Gilbert, 372. 

Suabia, 20. 

Suffolk, 220. 224. 

Sullivan. Gen. John. 129. 

Sumner, Gen.. 247. 

Sumter. 163, 192. 217. 

Susquehanna, 302. 

Sweden, 11. 15, 189. 

Syracuse, 344. 

Tappan, 174. 

Tarleton, 192, 218. 240. 

Taylor's Ferry, 194. 

Ternant. Col.. 86. 117, 131. 275, 

363. 
Ternay. Admiral, 172. 
Three Wars Celebration. 382. 
Ticonderoga, 178. 
Trenton. 319. 
Trumbull, John, 371. 
Tuckahoe, 206. 
Turkey. 190. 

L T tica, 187, 339. 

Valley Forge, 66. 

Vergennes, Count de, a predic- 
tion. 17, 24, 35, 44. 48, 290. 

Verplanck's Point, 142, 311. 

Versailles, 20, 41. 

Virginia, 49; protest against sla- 
very. 71; 148; 172; 191; 192; 219; 
225, 269, 289, 326. 

Voltaire, 53. 



INDEX 



399 



Von Hoist. 268. 

Walker. Captain B.. 90, 112. 118. 
133, 150. 162, 184, 191, 285, 309. 
328, 330, 354. 

Warrasquiack Bay. 203. 

Warwick, 206. 233. 

Washington. George, 45; relieves 
New England, 65; delegate to 
Continental Congress, 72; mili- 
tary character, 82; at Valley 
Forge. 85; appointed Steuben 
inspector, 88; parade and drill 
orders. 99; leaves Valley Forge 
in pursuit of Clinton, 102; 
march across New Jersey, 104; 
trouble with Lee. 108; battle of 
Monmouth and Lee's treason, 
114; back to the Hudson, 124; 
commends .Steuben, 126; 130, 
132; holds back country, 139; 
predicts capture of Charleston, 
161; sends Steuben to West 
Point. 173; discovers Arnold's 
treason. 183; appoints Greene 
to Southern command with 
Steuben, 189; orders troops 
south. 221; orders Lafayette to 
Steuben's aid. 235; frightens 
Clinton. 250; determines to go 
to Virginia, 254; brings the 
army to Yorktown, 256; gives 
Steuben a command, 259: re- 
turns to New York, 265; calls 
on Steuben for report. 279; an 
insulting proposition, 281; pre- 
vents a mutiny, 294; disbands 
the army, 298; appoints Steu- 
ben commissioner, 301; enters 



New York, 305; final letter to 
Steuben, 307; president of the 
Cincinnati, 313; approves Steu- 
ben's claims. 321; first Presi- 
dent, 335; social life in New 
York, 337. 

Washington. Lund. 234 

Washington, Lt. Col., 217. 

Washington Memorial Church, 
377. 

Washington, Mrs.. 86, 107, 191. 

Way, Major, 383. 

Wayne. Gen., 104. 142. 249, 251. 
260. 

Weedon. Gen.. 209, 220. 

West, Benjamin, 368. 

Westham, 204. 

Westmoreland County, 326. 

Westover. 204. 230, 238. 

Wethersfield, 144. 254. 

West Point, 142. 158. 182, 299. 

West Indies. 152, 254. 266. 

White Plains. 124, 130. 

Whitestown, 350. 

Williamsburg, 203, 212, 220, 250. 
258. 

Williams. Gen., 286. 

Willis Crek, 243. 245. 

Willoughbv Point. 202. 

Wilmington. 219. 237. 

Wilmot, 277. 

Wilson. Gen., 197. 

Wilson. James, 378. 

York. 70. 

York River, 221, 252. 

Yorktown, 224, 252, 259. 

Zabrieskie. John. 327. 



